2017 Theses of Türkiye Communist Party “on Imperialism Regarding Russia and China”

Translated by Vural Birlik, PHD, Marxism School, Wuhan, P.R. China  

Published in Gelenek, 134, sayı. 86, 2017 with the title “Rusya ve Çin ekseninde emperyalizm üzerine 2017 Tezleri” 


1. Imperialism is the highest and the final phase of capitalism. Imperialism is not a periodical policy, a temporary period, or a (back) reversible fault of capitalism but it is in fact the very capitalism itself,  it is already ready there to be toppled.

Capitalism will not undergo any more transformation in the future; it will not transit another phase. Capitalism will either be toppled by a socialist revolution or continue to imprison the humanity till it destroys humanity  in its imperialism phase.

For this reason, socialism is actual and inevitable. And thus, imperialism era is the era of socialist revolutions.

2. The struggle against imperialism cannot be independent from the struggle against capitalism. Imperialism and the capitalism cannot be separated from each other. Imperialism is the concrete and historical form which the capitalism has taken. An anti-imperialist struggle which is not anti-capitalist will not serve the interests of the working class.

3. Imperialism is a hierarchical world system (world-wide system). All the capitalist countries are parts of this hierarchical system. The positions of these individual countries within the imperialist hierarchy with a certain historical stage are relative.

Above all, hierarchy means a hegemony and subjugation relation. While the countries within the hierarchy are not equally decisive over the whole capitalist-imperialist system, on the other side, the contradictions between the countries do not necessarily have to have the same influence and weight within the operation of the existing hierarchy, and any country will not have the same influence and weight, in changing and formation of a new, different hierarchy.

Therefore, it is important to grasp the critical links of the imperialist hierarchy in a given historical stage for judging the direction of the political struggle clearly.

Correctly analyzing this hierarchy has a strategic importance for the revolutionary struggle  because the imperialist hierarchy operates, especially determined by the countries at the top of this system.

Specifying the countries at the top of this hierarchy does not mean to ignore the other component countries of the system and does not mean to see the imperialist system as composed just only by the countries that are leading and directing this system. (there are many other countries in the system)

Specifying the countries that are at the top of the imperialist hierarchy and thus deserves the title of “imperialist state” does not mean we confine the imperialist system to these top countries.

On the contrary, while analyzing an operation in which these countries are at the center and at the top of it, will help us to understand the relations between the countries in different positions within the hierarchy and will help us to understand how the other countries integrate to this system, on the other side, it will also help to set more clear and concrete goals for the political struggles conducted by the working class in every individual country and across the world. 

4. Defining imperialism as a hierarchical world system is one of the most valuable contributions of Lenin to Marxist theory.

Before Lenin, this concept was used to define the “imperial behavior” of great powers for a long time in a narrow sense.

The connection of the fact of imperialism with the capitalist development has aroused the attention of some writers along with the becoming of monopolization as a dominant character of capitalism.  But the person who comprehended  this wholeness brilliantly and who connected this concept to the revolutionary struggle of the working class was Lenin. 

5. As Lenin pointed about 100 years ago, imperialism is a hierarchical system which functions as the stage of the constant partition and re-partition of world market. The concrete, historical aspects of this hierarchy have changed compared to the time of Lenin’s imperialism theory and it can also change in the future. The concrete, historical aspects of this hierarchy can change because both the concrete and historical status of imperialism and the relative positions of the countries within the hierarchy show a varying and dynamic structure.

However, this does not mean that capitalism itself will undergo a transformation that can go beyond imperialism.

Capitalism will not acquire another character beyond imperialism.

6. The theoretical contributions of Lenin includes  to clarify the reactionary character of capitalism as a whole and irreversibly with the imperialist phase; the basis of labor aristocracy that haunts the worker class movement in major capitalist countries; the political outcomes of uneven development of capitalism; the relationship between the competition among imperialist countries and the imperialist wars; the opportunities created for the working class movement by the internal contradictions of the imperialist world; and Lenin explained meaning and limits of the national liberation movements which were developing against imperialism from the aspect of  the world revolution process.

7. The fact that imperialism is a world system and it covers all countries without exception does not mean for us to use the definition of “imperialist country” for all countries within the system.

An imperialist country is the country that has the capacity to influence the economical, political, military, ideological and cultural dynamics of other countries which are the other components of the imperialist system  and has the capacity to direct these countries within a hierarchical world system, within the final phase of the development of capitalism.

We should  stick to second criterion

The tendency (potential ) to establish this kind of relations (the capacity of influencing the economical, political, martial, ideological and cultural dynamics of other countries and directing these countries) and the capacity to establish these relations concretely (now) are two different things.

The true criterion for calling a major country as  an imperialist country is always the latter criterion (the capacity to establish these relations, now).

Consequently, the question of whether a country is imperialist or not, must always be answered with a political perspective with a concrete analysis.

8. Imperialism is not only a fact that can be observed on economical level but Imperialism is a multi-dimensional world system that has political, ideological, martial and cultural aspects.

Imperialist domination (hegemony) or subjugation is thus should be analyzed not only on the economical level but with its political, ideological, martial and cultural dimensions.

To establish a temporary domination relation in one (martial) or a couple of these above spheres will not be enough for a country to ascend to the top of the imperialist hierarchy.

Also, having a potential to establish a domination relation in all these spheres (political, ideological, martial and cultural) will not be enough to determine the hierarchy.

Because the realization of such a potential is related both with the class struggle generally and related with the internal contradictions of imperialism.

Reaching such a status in all spheres by a major power country is a multi-dimensional and complicated process.

In order to define such an imperialist domination, the concrete links in all these spheres (economical, political, martial, ideological and cultural)  must be examined.

This does not exclude the existence of bi-directional dependency and hegemonic relations in different spheres and on various levels between the countries within the system.

Second Type of dependence and hegemony: This kind of bi-directional dependency and hegemonic relations does not make a country an imperialist by definition but they are an inherent part of imperialism as a world system and a structural way how the countries adjoin (combine) with  the imperialist system.

9. It is necessary to analyze the relationships among different spheres(economical, political, martial, ideological and cultural)   to understand the operation of imperialism. We should see the natural importance of the economical level but we should not ignore the dynamic relationship between the political, ideological, military and cultural aspects. A mistaken analysis generally occurs not only because of excluding any one dimension but arises from not correctly conceptualizing the relations between these spheres.

When the economical, the political or the military dimensions analyzed respectively (separately) from an economical, a political or a martial aspect, as a result, (mistakenly) different imperialism interpretations will be proposed when looking from separate different spheres.

However, the correct analysis is to comprehend how the imperialism operates in all these spheres as a whole.

The dynamics of change imperialism should only be analyzed  in this wholistic way.

10. Imperialism is a fact in which even the most advanced capitalist regions are subjected to a partition  struggles again and again.

Imperialism and re-partition  are extremely (changeable)dynamic. This is realized under the determination of class struggles but the process of imperialism and re-partition  are also dependent on the political attempts of the states.

Imperialism does not mean  the advanced capitalist countries dominating the underdeveloped ones.

Additionally, imperialism should never be seen as confined to the contradiction between the center and the periphery or the contradiction between the advanced countries and the underdeveloped countries.

Imperialism, just like in the periphery or the underdeveloped countries, has a transformative impact on the center contries or the advanced capitalist countries; and the class struggle plays a decisive role also in the behaviors and attempts of these countries in the center.

Imperialism is nota one-way, one-directional economical process which is effective defined and seen only in the international sphere.  

Instead, imperialism is a multi-dimensional fact that has ideological, political and martial aspects which have an impact also on the internal balance of each country, in the system.

Additionally, we must say that the changes in the internal balance of the countries will impact the developments in the international level.

11. The competiton between the countries at the top of the hierarchy within the imperialist operation has a decisive significance in influencing the whole system.

The views which ignore the contradictions among major imperialist powers and assume that these countries will act as a homogenous totality around a common interest cannot see the congestion (frustration)  of the imperialist system.

The transformation effort realized by the countries at the top of the imperialist system to implement domination over the resources of the countries at the lower ranks of the hierarchy must be grasped correctly.

Because an analysis made by looking at the bilateral relation between the center countries which conduct this transformation and the countries which resist to this transformation will be wrong.

If we analyze the issue through this mistaken view, the internal contradictions among  the center countries will be degraded into an unimportant status.  

And because this mistaken view sees the periphery countries only as objects (not subjects) which is wrong, we must grasp  that the positions of the periphery countries within the world capitalist system are not so much that much passive.

12. One-sided dependency theories oversimplify the imperialist intra-system hierarchy. Also, this simplification leads to wrong political strategies as it is seen in many examples in the past and present experiences of the world communist movement.

When there is an unilateral resource exploitation and a military-political domination on behalf of the imperialist country which is at the top of imperialist hierarchy and a weaker country.

We should never  see the capitalist class of the weaker capitalist country as a victim and as a potential ally of the working class in any sphere of struggle.

13. The positions held  by the countries within the imperialist hierarchy should not be used for direct inferences /judgments) about the historical roles of these countries.

The fact that the impacts of other countries which are not at the top of the hierarchy can limitedly effect the whole , should not lead us to see the international activities of these countries positively. The main important thing for us is not interests of theses countries but interests of the working class.

However, the interest of a country becomes meaningful and important when it coincides with the interests of the working class.

14. The hierarchy of imperialism is a dynamic structure which is open to change by its very nature.

A change in the hierarchy does not necessarily mean a change of the hegemonic country (or group) in the system.

On the other hand, when the change in hierarchy is too radical to the extent that the said change causes  the emergence of a completely new hegemonic component, in this case a revolutionary energy canaccumulate especially in the weak links of the system. The interests of the working class might not necessarily coincide with such a radical change.

For example, the transition to the imperialist hierarchy based on British hegemony to the imperialist hegemony based on the hegemony of USA States did not provide a gain for the interests of the working class.

15. While USA which is the leader of the system which has been directing the imperialism for a long time; this does not necessarily mean USA will permanently be in this position.

There is competition and contradictions within the system and theoretically, these competitions and contradictions offer the potential for creating changes in every ladder of the hierarchy including the top level of the system.

The changes within the operation of imperialist system and changes within the hierarchy do not automatically provide an advantage for the working class.

The developments that weaken US hegemony do not automatically have to trigger a positive development on behalf of the global interests of the working class.

The hegemony crisis caused by the attempts of  the newcomers to change hierarchy 16. The attempts of some countries (translator- Russia, China) for changing the imperialist hierarchy and their damaging effect within the system willnot result in positive outcomes for the working class struggle in all conditions. We should never forget the capitalist characteristics of these countries which operate within the imperialist system.

We should focus  on the damages given to the system by  this inherent hegemony struggle crisis dynamics, this means we should focus the impact of these crisis factors on the class struggles.

The thing which drives the history forward is the damage of crisis dynamics on the imperialist system and its impacts on the class struggles.

17. The tendency of attempt to ascend to higher positions in hierarchy and consequently, the tendency of becoming imperialist are inherent characteristics of the system. 

Theoretically, capitalist relations of production and the political and militarydynamics caused by capitalist relations of production force every country to act within this hierarchy.  

Another source of the intra-system contradictions and crisis dynamics is this above tendency of becoming imperialist.

As a concrete result of this tendency of becoming imperialist, in certain historical periods, the countries which are not at the top of the hierarchy take regional imperialist roles within the system.

We should never forget that these above  regional imperialist behaviors which time to time  cause tensions and frictions within the imperialist hierarchy can carry a negative character that paves the way for imperialist centers; and we should also never forget that the imperialist centers encourage various countries to this kind of imperialist behaviors.

18. While we emphasize to the world wide (global) far-reaching characteristics of the imperialism as a system and when we see  the imperialist behaviors and the imperialist roles taken by all the capitalist countries,—- in this phase of capitalism— this should not cause us  to  belittle the imperialist hierarchy. (translator, not ignore major imperialists)

The fact of imperialist hegemony as the fundamental factor of imperialist hierarchy should not be undermined and on the other hand the relationship between anti-imperialist struggle and socialist revolution should not be weakened.

19. The transformation of the form of capitalism into imperialist form means that the capitalism has passed to a more advanced form along with all of its internal contradictions and with its crisis dynamics.

It is obvious that, there is a non-linear connection, between the changes within the imperialist hierarchy, and the crises of capitalism which increasingly become more complicated and more international.    

The most critical link causing the tendency of the crises of capitalism becoming more complicated and more international, along with transition from free capitalism to imperialism is its financialization and the internationalization of capitalism has reached to its peak point – along with this transition to  imperialism.

There was already a fictive capital before the imperialism era, but the massive fictivization of capital became the distinct character of imperialism.

Financialization in the imperialism era is not only means the directing of the system with numerous new financial instruments but more importantly, it also means giving monopoly capital, a capacity to use those wealth which are not owned by it. 

In this way, on the one hand the hierarchy of capital accumulation process becomes more rigid and the values which remain non-used within this process are incorporated into the accumulation process; on the other hand, control over social wealth is established with numerous various financial tools.

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