What Is The Meaning of New Era Mentioned by the Chinese Communist Party
Interview with Jiang Hui: We are still in an era of transition from capitalism to socialism.
We are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism.
—An interview with Jiang Hui, member of the Party Leadership Group and Director of the Institute of Contemporary China Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Jiang Hui, male, born in November 1969, is currently a member of the Party Leadership Group of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Director of the Institute of Contemporary China Studies, Dean of the Institute of Marxism Studies, Researcher, and Doctoral Supervisor. He also serves as Director of the Research Center for the Theory of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics at CASS, Executive Director of the Research Center for Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and Distinguished Professor at the University of CASS.
Jiang Hui is a National Outstanding Young and Middle-aged Expert, a recipient of the State Council Special Government Allowance, a member of the National Hundred, Thousand, and Ten Thousand Talents Program, a Cultural Master and one of the “Four Batches” of Talents, a Leading Talent in Philosophy and Social Sciences under the National “Ten Thousand Talents Program,” and a key expert in the Project for the Research and Construction of Marxist Theory in China.
His monographs include *The Transformation of Communist Parties in Developed European Countries* and *New Characteristics of World Socialism in the 21st Century*; his translations include *A Century of European Socialism* and *On Class Conflict*; and Jiang Hui has published over 150 papers, including *Opportunities and Challenges Facing World Socialism* and *The 21st Century is the Century of Socialism’s Revitalization*, among which dozens of theoretical articles have been published in major central newspapers and periodicals such as *People’s Daily*, *Guangming Daily*, *Qiushi*, and *Reference News*. Jiang Hui has a wide influence in the fields of international communism and scientific socialism studies, world socialism studies, and the innovative development of Marxism in the 21st century.
The issues of our times are major theoretical and practical issues that the construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics must confront. Whether we can scientifically and accurately grasp the times and determine our country’s current historical position directly affects the success or failure of our modernization drive.
On September 29, 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping, while presiding over the 43rd collective study session of the 18th CPC Central Committee Political Bureau, pointed out: “Although the times we live in have undergone tremendous and profound changes compared to the times Marx lived in, from the broad perspective of 500 years of world socialism, we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism. This is the scientific basis for our firm confidence in Marxism and our unwavering belief in the inevitable victory of socialism.”
This insightful statement, with its profound historical vision, keen understanding of the laws of historical development, and accurate grasp of the characteristics of our times, has significant and far-reaching guiding significance for us to scientifically understand the fundamental nature and main characteristics of the historical era we live in today, correctly grasp the laws and trends of human social development, deeply understand “where socialism with Chinese characteristics comes from and where it is going,” and thus better uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era, carry forward the theoretical character of Marxism that keeps pace with the times, and continue to promote the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism.
In order to deepen our understanding of the rich content of the assertion that “we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism” and to clarify some misunderstandings about the issues of our time, we interviewed Jiang Hui, a researcher and member of the Party Leadership Group of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and director of the Institute of Contemporary China Studies.
Part I. The historical era identified by Marxism is “the era of transition from capitalism to socialism”.
Soru: Hello Professor Jiang, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that “we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism”. Could you please explain to us what kind of era Marxism indicates?
This first requires clarifying this major issue from the perspective of the history of the development of Marxism, based on the basic ideas and viewpoints of the classical Marxist writers regarding historical eras.
The “era” as described by classical Marxist writers is primarily a socio-historical category. In the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, the concept of “era” was used from different angles and in different ways. For example, in the works of Marx and Engels, expressions such as “historical era,” “revolutionary era,” “social era,” “cultural era,” “primitive era,” “prehistoric era,” “ancient Greece and Rome,” “medieval era,” “feudal era,” and “bourgeois era” are used.
In Lenin’s works, terms such as “patriarchal era,” “bourgeois democratic parliamentary era,” “era of the dictatorship of the proletariat,” “era of proletarian political rule,” and “era of imperialist war” are used.
Generally speaking, the use of the concept of “era” sometimes refers to a historical period or stage with clear landmarks, and sometimes to a socio-historical period with clearly defined production relations and socio-economic characteristics, a distinct class nature, and a mode of rule.
The “historical era indicated by Marxism” mentioned by Xi Jinping here mainly refers to the latter, namely, a socio-historical period with clearly defined production relations and economic and social formations, a distinct class nature, and a mode of rule. This concept of “era” is a comprehensive, essential, and embodies the trends and laws of social development—a “grand historical era.”
How to divide eras is a major and fundamental issue in Marxist theory of eras, and it is very important. Please elaborate on this.
Dividing an era is not simply a matter of dividing time periods, but rather a deep exploration and identification of the fundamental social nature of a large historical period with distinct characteristics. Dividing an era involves finding the deeper essence of “historical time” beyond the external appearance of “natural time,” thereby establishing an era’s coordinates, clarifying its essence and characteristics, and grasping its main contradictions and development trends. Different standards for dividing an era lead to different understandings of it. For example, based on science and technology and production tools, it can be divided into the Stone Age, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Steam Age, Electrical Age, and Internet Age; from the perspective of industrial development, it can be divided into the Agricultural Age, Industrial Age, Post-Industrial Age, or Information Age; from the perspective of economic form, it can be divided into the Natural Economy Age, Commodity Economy Age, and Product Economy Age; from the perspective of political form, it can be divided into the Autocratic Age and Democratic Age
From the perspective of civilization level, it can be divided into the Age of Ignorance, the Age of Barbarism, and the Age of Civilization; and so on. Some divisions use a single standard, while others use a composite standard; some emphasize natural attributes, while others emphasize social attributes; some divide from a specific social sphere, while others divide from the perspective of overall social development.
Marxism has standards for dividing eras, so what is its theoretical basis?
Marxist criteria for dividing eras are based on historical materialism. Marx and Engels revealed the laws of human social development from a macro-historical perspective, and used the contradictory movement between productive forces and relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, to reveal the essence, principal contradiction, and basic characteristics of each era, thus dividing different historical eras based on this.
This is embodied in a classic passage from Marx’s 1859 preface to *A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy*: “At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or property relations (that is, the legal term for relations of production in which they move in unison), and these relations are transformed from forms of development of the productive forces into fetters of the productive forces. Then comes the age of social revolution. With the change of the economic base, the entire vast superstructure also changes, more quickly or less.”
“Generally speaking, the Asiatic, ancient Greek and Roman, feudal, and modern bourgeois modes of production can be regarded as several epochs of the evolution of economic social formations.” Here, Marx used historical materialism to clarify the main basis and fundamental criteria for dividing eras, and based on this, divided the past human social development into four stages. As the capitalist mode of production changes due to the movement and transformation of its inherent fundamental and principal contradictions, the capitalist form will inevitably perish as “the last antagonistic form of the social production process,” thus “the prehistoric period of human society will end with this social form.” Thus Marx’s argument encompasses the historical trend of the transition from capitalism to communism.
In discussing the distinctions between different eras, Marx also proposed the view that the level of development of productive forces and the relations of production and social relations are all 3 unified standards, especially emphasizing the importance of the relations of production and social relations in distinguishing different eras.
In *The Poverty of Philosophy*, Marx explicitly stated: “Social relations are closely linked to productive forces. With the acquisition of new productive forces, people change their mode of production, and with the change of the mode of production, that is, their mode of livelihood, they also change all their social relations. The hand mill produces the society of feudal lords, the steam mill produces the society of industrial capitalists.” In Volume 1 of *Capital*, Marx further pointed out: “The distinction between economic epochs lies not in what is produced, but in how it is produced, and with what means of labor it is produced. The means of labor are not only a measure of the development of human labor power, but also an indicator of the social relations in which labor is carried out.” Thus, Marx’s concept of “era” is not a singular economic, technological, or cultural concept, but a political, social, and historical category.
Lenin also made insightful remarks on the problems of our time. We cannot study the problems of our time without mentioning Lenin. Please talk about it.
Lenin, based on the conditions of the imperialist era in which he lived, comprehensively and profoundly expounded on the problems of the times. He believed that an “era” is a “grand historical era,” not an isolated situation in a particular country or region, but rather the overall condition and general characteristics of human society. Although “every era has and always has individual, local, partial movements, sometimes advancing and sometimes regressing, and always has and always has various deviations from the general pattern and speed of movement,” its general direction, general characteristics, and general process of movement are basically determined, which is the basic basis for the division of eras. To correctly identify an era and its characteristics, one must grasp it from the overall perspective of social and historical development and the world pattern. The essence of an era is embodied in the overall connection and deep laws of history and the world, and the characteristics of an era are the inevitable concentrated manifestation of this overall connection and general trend”.
Lenin, employing Marxist historical materialism and the conception of the times, along with Marxist class analysis, and based on his in-depth exploration of the problems of his era, proposed class criteria for dividing eras. Lenin stated: “We cannot know how fast the various historical movements of an era will develop, or how many achievements various historical movements will effect.
But we can know, and are certain, which class is the center of this or that era, determining its main content, its main direction of development, its main characteristics, and so on.” Therefore, in a given era, the advanced class that adapts to the development of the times and promotes its progress is a crucial force determining the state, characteristics, and trends of that era’s development. It is evident that Lenin’s class criteria are, in effect, a concrete manifestation of Marx’s criteria of the mode of production in class society.
Lenin’s research and exposition on the problems of his time were very comprehensive. Besides the nature of the era and the criteria for dividing it, what other important content did Lenin analyze ?
Yes, Lenin not only profoundly expounded on the nature of the era and the criteria for dividing it, but also, based on the actual situation of capitalist development and the proletarian revolutionary struggle at the time, Lenin scientifically analyzed the main contradictions, development trends, and prospects for the victory of the socialist revolution in the era of capitalism.
Lenin scientifically identified the characteristics of the era using Marxist viewpoints, dividing the development of capitalism into three historical periods in *Under Someone Else’s Banner*: Lenin wrote the first period was (1789-1871), from the French Revolution to the Franco-Prussian War, was the era of the rise and complete victory of the bourgeoisie, a period of its ascent; the second period (1871-1914), from the Franco-Prussian War to the outbreak of World War I, was the era of the bourgeoisie’s complete dominance and subsequent decline, an era in which new classes gradually gathered strength; the third period (after 1914) was the era of imperialism, an era of turmoil caused by imperialism.
Lenin explicitly pointed out: “Undeniably, we live at the crossroads of two eras.” This new “crossroads” possesses new social and class content: “The bourgeoisie has transformed from an ascending class, from an advanced class into a descending, decadent, internally dead, and reactionary class. Now, the ascending class—in the broad historical context—is a completely different class: working class”
In his subsequent work, *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism*, Lenin further pointed out that the sharpening of the contradictions of monopoly capitalism “is the most powerful driving force of the transitional historical period that begins with the final victory of global financial capital.”
Bourgeois era and the socialism era
Here, the concept of a “transitional historical period” was introduced by Lenin for the analysis. After the victory of the October Revolution in 1917, Lenin regarded it as a watershed moment, pointing out that the October Revolution opened “the beginning of a global alternation between two eras of world historical significance: the bourgeois era and the socialism era, the era of capitalist parliamentary system and the era of proletarian Soviet state system.” This can be considered the earliest expression of the “era of transition from capitalism to socialism” in later Marxist literature.
Subsequently, within the international communist movement, the definition and characteristics of the era were largely interpreted according to Lenin’s views and conclusions. Stalin, in *On the Foundations of Leninism*, proposed that the present era was the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. The *Moscow Declaration*, adopted at the conference of twelve socialist communist and workers’ parties in Moscow in 1957, stated that the main content of our era was “the transition from capitalism to socialism initiated by the October Revolution in Russia.” This statement was widely accepted by communist parties at the time, becoming the most consensus-based and historically accurate definition and conclusion regarding the present era.
So it can be seen that when discussing contemporary issues, one must have both a broad vision and a micro perspective. Only in this way can one gain a deep understanding. Is that right?
Yes. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that although the era we live in has undergone tremendous and profound changes compared to the era of Marx, from the grand perspective of 500 years of world socialism, “we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism.” In general, the “historical era indicated by Marxism” that General Secretary Xi Jinping refers to is, based on Marxist historical materialism, the dialectical unity of the basic contradictions of society—productive forces and relations of production, economic base and superstructure—and the actual development of the basic contradictions of capitalism, class relations, and class struggle, the era of transition from capitalism to socialism.
It is also the “great historical era” proposed by Lenin, namely, the “historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism” opened up by the October Revolution. In other words, in this historical era, there are two classes, two modes of production, and two social systems, coexisting and competing, but their essence and development trend is a transition from capitalism to socialism. The 500-year history of world socialism and the more than 170 years of dramatic changes in the international communist movement have brought about tremendous and profound changes in the world, but the development of the times and practice proves that the nature of the era and the trend of human social development have not changed; we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism.
II. Grasping the Historical Era We Live In Today from the Dialectical Unity of the Essence and Characteristics of the Times
How should we understand the “great era” and the “small era”?
Marxism refers to the era as a “grand era.” Within a historical era, it can be further divided into several “minor eras” based on the characteristics and main problems of different stages of development. We are still in the “grand era” of transition from capitalism to socialism, but different stages of development within this grand era have different themes and different principal contradictions. Therefore, it is necessary to comprehensively and accurately grasp the present era from the dialectical unity of its essence and characteristics.
Soru: Then let’s talk about the essence of the times first.
The essence of an era is its fundamental nature, concentrated in the dominant and ruling mode of production, class forces, and social system. Judging the nature of a historical era requires exploring the contradictions between its material living conditions and mode of production. The essence of our present era is still a historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism
As Marx stated, “We cannot judge a person by his own opinion, just as we cannot judge such a transformative era by its consciousness; rather, this consciousness must be explained from the contradictions of material life, from the existing conflict between social productive forces and relations of production.”
Engels expressed the same idea in the preface to the English version of *The Communist Manifesto*: “The principal mode of economic production and exchange of each historical epoch, and the social structure necessarily arising from it, are the foundations upon which the political and intellectual history of that epoch is established, and only from these foundations can this history be explained.”
The “grand historical era” discussed in Marxism refers to the essence and fundamental nature of an era. It is precisely at this most fundamental level, that is, from the perspective of its socio-historical nature, that we arrive at macro-historical concepts such as the “capitalist era” and the “socialist era,” and arrive at the scientific conclusion that the essence of our present era is still a historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism.
Soru: Please talk about the characteristics of this era.
Peace and development
The characteristics of an era refer to the defining features and main characteristics of a major historical period at different (minor) stages of development, reflecting and embodying the essence of an era (big era).
These main characteristics are prominently displayed in political, economic, cultural, and social aspects, and are manifested in the era’s theme, principal contradictions, major problems, class relations, international relations, world order, and the development levels of different social systems and their interrelationships.
For example, the capitalist era experienced the 4 development stages of free capitalism, monopoly capitalism, state monopoly capitalism, and international financial monopoly capitalism, each exhibiting distinct characteristics. In the historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism, the two major social systems coexisted and are competing for a long time, with different historical periods possessing different characteristics and themes.
For instance, Lenin called the late 19th and early 20th centuries the “era of proletarian revolution.” Furthermore, before the 1970s, the theme of the era was “war and revolution,” while after the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping proposed “peace and development” as the theme of the minor era. Therefore, it can be said that the essence of our current era has not changed; it remains the “era of transition from capitalism to socialism” as indicated by Marxism. However, the theme of the era has shifted from war and revolution to peace and development.
Soru: So, what is the relationship between the essence of an era and its characteristics?
Upholding the unity of the essence and characteristics (themes of time) of an era is of significant practical and methodological importance for a comprehensive and scientific understanding of the times and a profound and accurate grasp of them. The essence of an era is fundamental and decisive, determining the overall direction, manifestation, and extent of its characteristics.
To correctly grasp the characteristics of an era, we must base our understanding on the essence of the era, exploring the features and trends of its development within the grand and long-term historical context. The characteristics of an era are the specific manifestations and presentations of its essence in different historical periods, centrally embodied in the era’s challenges, principal contradictions, historical tasks, and strategic approaches to adapting to its development.
The essence and characteristics of an era are closely intertwined
Only by organically combining and unifying the two can we scientifically and correctly understand the era, grasp its development trends and laws, adapt to its development, answer its challenges, and formulate correct guidelines and policies. If we only see certain changes and localized characteristics of an era, without correctly grasping its essence from a long-term historical perspective and the laws of social development, we will lose our direction and way, we will waver in our beliefs, and we will be unable to correctly understand and judge the trends of the times. If we only understand the essence of an era in a static and unchanging way, rigidly adhering to dogma, we will be unable to keep pace with the times, adapt to the trends of development, or correctly answer and solve the new problems constantly posed by the era. Therefore, adhering to the combination and unity of the essence and characteristics of an era is crucial for correctly understanding our times today and formulating correct lines, principles, and policies.
Soru: Our Party has a profound understanding and grasp of the issues of our time, especially since the reform and opening up, ÇKP has attached great importance to these issues. What is your opinion?
Our Party’s understanding of the times includes both many correct and successful valuable experiences, as well as erroneous understandings and lessons. Since the reform and opening up, it is precisely because our Party accurately judged the essence of the times and promptly recognized and realized the transformation of the theme of the times that ÇKP provided a correct ideological and theoretical foundation for accurately formulating the line, principles, and policies of reform and opening up.
Deng Xiaoping’s thoughts on the essence and theme of the times are a bright model of using Marxist theory of the times to observe the world trend and solve China’s problems. In the 1980s, based on the new changes and characteristics of the international situation and the world pattern, Deng Xiaoping clearly put forward that “peace and development are the two major issues of the world today.” Thus we have formed the ideological category and basic consensus of “the theme of the times” within the Party, and enabling the observation and study of the problems of the times to correctly distinguish between the essence and theme of the times. It is precisely by adhering to the organic combination of the two that China, on the road of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, has both adhered to the socialist direction and followed the trend of the times.
Deng Xiaoping first proposed the concept of “problems of our time” (themes of our time) on March 4, 1985, during a meeting with a visiting Japanese delegation: “The truly major problems in the world today, the global strategic problems, are the issues of peace and economics, or development. The issue of peace is an East-West issue, and the issue of development is a North-South issue. In short, it boils down to these four words: East, West, North, and South.”
The 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1987 proposed that peace and development are the “two major problems of the world” in contemporary times.
The 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1992 formally proposed that peace and development are the “themes of our time.” Subsequent reports to all Party Congresses have emphasized this theme, making it a long-standing consensus within the Party. The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (2017) still emphasized this theme: “The world is undergoing a period of great development, great change, and great adjustment; but peace and development remain the themes of our time.”
Adhering to the combination of the essence and characteristics (the theme) of our times is of great practical significance for the victorious advancement of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the right direction. Upholding the theme of peace and development is crucial for China to seize strategic and historical opportunities and accelerate development.
At the same time, we must recognize that the essence of our times remains unchanged; therefore we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism—the historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism. Only in this way can we maintain firm ideals and beliefs and unwavering confidence in the inevitable victory of socialism. While adhering to the essence of our times and recognizing the inevitable trend of historical development, we must also follow the trend of the times, listen to the voice of the times, and answer and solve the new challenges of our era today. The development of the times has no end; we must keep pace with the times and lead the times. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in his keynote speech at the opening ceremony of the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2018, we must advance in the logic of historical progress and develop in the trend of the times.
Soru: Since the reform and opening up, our Party has closely grasped the theme of the times and vigorously promoted the great practice of reform and opening up and socialist modernization. Please give a brief summary.
Since the reform and opening up, on the one hand, we have always adhered to the theme of “peace and development,” focusing our efforts on construction and development, creating a favorable peaceful external environment for reform and opening up and socialist modernization. We have seized the strategic opportunity period to accelerate development, rapidly enhanced our comprehensive national strength and raised our international status to an unprecedented level. On the other hand, we have always adhered to the unchanged essence of the times, maintaining strategic focus amidst international vicissitudes, grasping the changing characteristics of the times within the general trend of historical development, and firmly upholding the “Four Confidences” by deeply understanding the laws of social development.
For example, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe in the 1990s, the “theory of the failure of socialism” and the “end of history” were rampant. At this critical moment in historical development, Deng Xiaoping firmly pointed out that the general trend of social and historical development is irreversible: “China’s socialism cannot be changed. China will definitely follow the socialist path it has chosen to the end. No one can crush us. As long as China does not collapse, one-fifth of the world’s population will adhere to socialism. We are full of confidence in the future of socialism.”
This confidence of Deng Xiaoping was established based on a profound understanding of the essence of the times. At the same time, we have always maintained that the replacement of capitalism by socialism is a long and complex historical process, and we have upheld the unity of the Party’s highest and basic programs.
This is a concrete manifestation of upholding the unity of the essence and characteristics (the theme) of our times. As General Secretary Xi Jinping stated, “Facts have repeatedly told us that Marx and Engels’ analysis of the fundamental contradictions of capitalism is not outdated, nor is the historical materialist view that capitalism will inevitably perish and socialism will inevitably triumph. This is the irreversible general trend of social and historical development, but the path is tortuous.”
In the 21st century, a time of great development, great change, and great adjustment in the world, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has grasped the trend of the times, followed the development trend of the times, correctly understood the laws and trends of the times, and creatively upheld the organic unity of the essence and characteristics of the times. In a historical era of unprecedented changes in the world and a period of new and fierce competition between the two systems of socialism and capitalism, it has led the Chinese people into a new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, created a new situation for the development of scientific socialism, and raised high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the world.
This has made “socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era” the mainstay of socialist development in the 21st century, continuously developed the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, expanded the path for developing countries to achieve modernization, provided a brand-new choice for countries and nations in the world that both hope to accelerate development and maintain their independence, and contributed Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions to solving human problems.
III. We should grasp the historical process and balance of power between socialism and capitalism in the context of the development of the times.
Soru: How should we analyze the present era by applying the perspective of unifying the essence and characteristics of the times?
By upholding the unity of the essence and characteristics of our times, and by combining theory with practice, history with reality, and domestic with international issues, we can conclude that at the beginning of the 21st century, we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism. The essence of our times has not changed, but it presents new characteristics unlike anything we have seen before. We are still living in the great historical era of transition from capitalism to socialism as revealed by Marxism, and the themes of our time remain peace and development. However, neither of these 2 issues has been fundamentally resolved, and both have presented many new manifestations and characteristics. For example, the world faces prominent instability and uncertainty, insufficient momentum for global economic growth, increasingly severe wealth inequality, and recurring regional hotspots, etc.
Contemporary capitalism is imperialism in the stage of international financial monopoly
Contemporary capitalism is imperialism in the stage of international financial monopoly, and the inherent contradictions of capitalism are accumulating globally. In today’s world, peace, development, cooperation, and win-win outcomes remain the trend of the times, and the international balance of power will continue to move in a direction conducive to world peace and development.
However, humanity still faces many problems and challenges. Maintaining world peace and promoting common development remains a long and arduous task. We need to observe and study the new changes and trends of contemporary capitalism with a global perspective and a historical vision, study the new situation, new problems, and new trends in the development of world socialism in the 21st century, and we should study the new situation of the current competition and balance of power between world capitalism and world socialism. We need to comprehensively and historically observe and analyze the new characteristics and new trends of the times.
Following the 2008 capitalist crisis, the political and economic power of developed capitalist countries like the United States declined relatively, and their ability to dominate the world became increasingly strained. The myth of the “end of history” of capitalism, which arose after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe, was shattered.
The aggressive momentum of capitalism’s global development is reversed, and the balance of power and the relationship between world socialism, represented by China, and the world capitalism, represented by the United States and Western European countries, has underwent significant changes. In this contest, although the overall pattern of “capitalism being strong and socialism being weak” still remains fundamentally unchanged, capitalism is clearly on the defensive, while the power of world socialism, represented by China, are clearly rising. This crisis marked a new historical period for the competition between the two major social systems and the development of world history, characterized by new trends and a new pattern/structure.
The new balance of power between world capitalism and world socialism at the beginning of the 21st century can be summarized as follows: World capitalism, in its long development cycle, entered a period of significant decline, while world socialism, although generally still in a low ebb following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe, began to enter a period of rise in its long development cycle, primarily based on and marked by the tremendous achievements of the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. After nearly a century of coexistence, struggle, and repeated confrontation, by the beginning of the 21st century, world capitalism had experienced a process of decline, rise, and then decline again, while world socialism had experienced a process of rise, decline, and then rise again.
Soru: In this process, what role has socialism with Chinese characteristics played in the development of world socialism?
Over the past 30 years, the world socialist movement has experienced a process from its decline following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe to its revival in the early 21st century. At each important historical juncture, socialism with Chinese characteristics has played a crucial and transformative role in the development of world socialism, becoming the backbone, guiding light, and base of the world socialist movement.
Three important turning points
Overall, three important historical junctures stand out: the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe, the capitalist crisis, and the setbacks in economic globalization.
The first historical turning point: In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Soviet Union collapsed, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union crumbled, and Eastern Europe underwent dramatic changes. Theories of the failure of socialism and the end of history were rampant, and the “China collapse theory” was frequently heard internationally. However, China withstood enormous pressure and challenges and did not collapse in that domino-like upheaval. As Deng Xiaoping said, “As long as socialism in China does not fall, socialism will always stand firm in the world.” China defended and saved socialism.
The second historical turning point: the global capitalist crisis triggered by the international financial crisis at the beginning of the 21st century. This crisis occurred less than 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe. The so-called “crisis of socialism” and “end of history” triggered by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European changes quickly transformed into a ” crisis of capitalism” and the “end of capitalism.” Simultaneously, the tremendous achievements in building socialism with Chinese characteristics during this development process not only firmly established the banner of socialism in the world but also propelled the development of socialism to a new stage.
As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe, pessimistic views about China were constantly heard internationally, and various ‘China collapse theories’ never ceased. However, China not only did not collapse, but its comprehensive national strength increased day by day, and the people’s living standards continued to improve; ‘the scenery here is uniquely beautiful. China has developed and revitalized socialism”.
The third historical juncture: Fifteen years into the 21st century, the anti-globalization trend in major Western countries like the UK and the US marked a turning point, indicating a significant decline in capitalism’s ability to control and dominate the world, revealing its growing weakness. China, on the other hand, raised the banner of continuing to promote economic globalization and pushing it towards a fairer and more equitable direction. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, “20 or even 15 years ago, the main drivers of economic globalization were the US and other Western countries. Today, China is considered the world’s leading force in promoting trade and investment liberalization and facilitation, actively and proactively fighting against various forms of protectionism from Western countries.”
This can be seen as a shift from a long-standing capitalist-led economic globalization to a socialist-led one. This also holds significant transformative importance for the development of world socialism. It is during this crucial historical period that socialism with Chinese characteristics entered a new era, signifying that scientific socialism has radiated powerful vitality in 21st-century China. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has become the guiding banner for the development of world socialism in the 21st century, a mainstay for the revitalization of world socialism, and will undoubtedly make greater contributions to the new development of world socialism and scientific socialism. China is leading and shaping 21st-century socialism.
IV. We should grasp the new characteristics and trends of development in the current era, and contribute Chinese wisdom and solutions to solving human problems.
Soru: What are the new characteristics and trends of development in today’s era?
Currently, the world is undergoing a period of great development, transformation, and adjustment, with peace and development still remaining the themes of our time. Multipolarity, economic globalization, social informatization, and cultural diversity are developing in depth, the global governance system and international order are undergoing rapid transformation, and countries are becoming increasingly interconnected and interdependent. The trend towards peace and development is irreversible. At the same time, the world faces prominent instability and uncertainty, and the world faces insufficient momentum for global economic growth, recurring regional hotspots, and intertwined traditional and non-traditional security issues. Humanity faces many common problems and challenges.
Economic globalization is undergoing profound adjustments amidst headwinds.
While economic globalization is an inevitable trend in historical development, it has so far been primarily driven by international financial capital, resulting in numerous inequalities, injustices, and unreasonable phenomena within the international economic order.
The outbreak of the 2008 international financial crisis foreshadowed structural adjustments to the economic globalization model dominated by developed countries and the global economic and financial governance system. Against the backdrop of a sluggish global economic recovery, a wave of “anti-globalization” has emerged in Western countries, led by the United States, with trade protectionism, isolationism, and populism spreading, posing even more severe challenges to world peace and development. In particular, US President Trump’s unilateral trade war under the banner of “America First” has further fueled the anti-globalization trend, this we are ushering in a period of profound adjustment and rebalancing for economic globalization. As the world’s largest developing country and a major socialist power striving to become a modern, powerful nation, China shoulders the responsibility of leading the development of economic globalization.
Political multipolarity
The connotation and extension of political multipolarity have undergone significant changes. At the beginning of the 21st century, the multipolar international political landscape is rapidly taking shape. The relative power of Western countries such as the US and Europe is declining, while a large number of emerging market countries and developing countries, represented by the BRICS + nations, are rising collectively.
China’s reform and opening up have achieved tremendous success, making it an important force in the international arena. These profound changes in the world order have prompted major powers to accelerate the adjustment of their strategies and relationships, particularly the US and other Western countries, which are intensifying their strategic adjustments to maintain their global dominance, making the international situation more complex and volatile. Countries are engaged in fierce competition in many areas, but all are focused on utilizing international mechanisms and rules, they are competing for dominance in international rules and international discourse. Currently, conflicts and disputes in hotspots, terrorism, nuclear proliferation and nuclear security, cybersecurity, and other traditional and non-traditional security threats are intertwined, necessitating strengthened global governance to safeguard world peace, world development, and world’s common security. Simultaneously, the shifts in international power are deepening, and the international landscape and international relations are undergoing profound changes.
The competition in the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial revolution is becoming increasingly fierce. Since the beginning of the 21st century, a new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation has been brewing and emerging, with global technological innovation exhibiting many new development trends and characteristics, and major technological innovations reshaping the global economic structure.
Currently, all major developed countries in the world are accelerating their efforts to find new economic growth points through technological innovation. The new technological revolution also provides tremendous development opportunities for developing countries. Whether China can meet these challenges and plan ahead depends largely on whether it can make tangible progress in innovation-driven development.
Soru: Besides the struggle between economic globalization and economic anti-globalization, what are the manifestations of the struggle with new historical characteristics in the ideological and cultural field in the new era?
The struggle in the ideological and cultural sphere has intensified, with competition among different institutional models, development paths, and values becoming a major component. Exchanges and clashes between various ideologies and cultures are becoming increasingly frequent, and international competition and struggle in the ideological sphere are becoming more acute and complex.
Competition among different institutional models, development paths, and values is also becoming increasingly prominent, with Western countries imbuing China’s development model with a stronger sense of institutional and ideological competition. Some Western countries have adopted a cultural hegemony strategy in international cultural exchanges, promoting their cultural values, ideologies, institutional models, and development paths as “universal norms,” particularly intensifying ideological infiltration into socialist countries and orchestrating “color revolutions.”
Only by effectively safeguarding its own ideological and cultural security, promoting its core values, and exploring institutional models and development paths suited to its national conditions can a country achieve significant development in competition. We must always uphold our confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, forming an advanced system with distinct Chinese characteristics, which has obvious institutional advantages, and strong self-improvement capabilities, providing a Chinese solution for humanity’s exploration of better social systems.
Dünya Sosyalizmi ve Dünya Kapitalizmi Arasındaki Mücadele
The competitive and antagonistic dynamics between the two major social systems have undergone tremendous changes, profoundly shifting towards a path conducive to the revitalization of world socialism and the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Following the outbreak of the global capitalist crisis, Marxist thoughts, left-wing ideas, and movements have experienced a revival and development worldwide. The global financial crisis triggered a wave of strikes and various occupation movements in Europe and America, exacerbating social contradictions to an unprecedented degree.
Some socialist ideologies have also become active again. Left-wing organizations and communist parties around the world have actively convened various international conferences and forums, using them as platforms to showcase and unite left-wing forces. After the capitalist crisis of the early 21st century (2008), world socialism has undoubtedly entered a new period of development, exhibiting new characteristics and trends. Overall, the period from the beginning to the middle of the 21st century is a time of seeking revival and development for world socialism, characterized by four overlapping phases: first, a period of concentrated development of movements against capitalism and movements to reform capitalism worldwide; second, a period of coexistence and development of the nationalization trend of socialism with distinctive characteristics and the internationalization trend of strengthening coordination and cooperation; third, a period of rise in which socialism with Chinese characteristics has become the banner of world socialism and plays a leading and exemplary role; and fourth, a period of intensified competition and rivalry between world capitalism, which is in a new round of decline, and world socialism, which is in a new round of rise.
Soru: Under these circumstances, what stance does ÇKP uphold, and what concepts and measures does it put forward?
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that when we look at the world, we must not be blinded by superficial appearances or fleeting illusions, but rather carefully observe it through the lens of historical laws. The Communist Party of China grasps the laws of human social development, laws of socialist construction, and the laws of building of a ruling party, and only by following the general trend can it become a trendsetter of the times.
Faced with the enormous and profound changes taking place in the world’s economy, politics, culture, and all other fields at the beginning of the 21st century, and confronted with the questions of “What is happening to the world, and where is humanity headed?”, the Communist Party of China, based on the new situation and new problems of the present era, the profound changes in the relationship between China and the world, and the rise of China’s comprehensive national strength and international status, has proposed the Chinese solution of promoting the building of a “community with a shared future for mankind.”
This solution to the problems and challenges of our time not only focuses on the long-term development and future of contemporary human society, but also strives to address many common problems facing human society. “Community with a shared future for mankind” inherits and promotes the Marxist concept of establishing a society of “free association of individuals,” and is also deeply integrated with the ideal social pursuit of “all under heaven are one family, and the world is one community” in traditional Chinese culture. At the same time, it is also a practical solution to promote the transformation of unbalanced and inadequate development worldwide and to address the world’s “development deficit,” the world’s “peace deficit,” and the world’s “governance deficit.”
In today’s chaotic, disorderly, and turbulent world, a rising China is committed to building a world of lasting peace, universal security, common prosperity, openness and inclusiveness, and a clean and beautiful environment. On the basis of seeking common ground while reserving differences, China safeguards world peace and promotes the establishment of a world of mutual respect, fairness and justice, and win-win cooperation. This is a new and greater contribution of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era to humanity. The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China clearly states (2017): “The Communist Party of China is a party that seeks happiness for the Chinese people and also a party that strives for the cause of human progress. The Communist Party of China has always regarded making new and greater contributions to humanity as its mission.”
Today, “adhering to and promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind” has been established as one of the basic strategies for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. This phrase has been written into the Party Constitution and the Constitution, and into relevant UN documents, becoming a broad consensus among the majority of countries and peoples in the world.
General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Only what is national can be international, and only by leading the times can we go global. We must base ourselves on the characteristics of our times, promote the modernization of Marxism, better utilize Marxism to observe, interpret, and guide our times, truly understand the challenges of our era, and profoundly grasp the trajectory and direction of world history.”
We must adhere to using Marxism to observe, interpret, and guide our times, use the vibrant and rich contemporary Chinese practice to promote the development of Marxism, absorb all the excellent achievements of human civilization with a broad vision, uphold principles while innovating and surpassing ourselves in reform, learn from others’ strengths and continuously improve ourselves in openness, and continuously deepen our understanding of the laws governing the Communist Party’s rule, the laws of socialist construction, and the laws of human social development, constantly opening up new horizons for contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st-century Marxism. This is the profound grasp of the essence and characteristics of our times by the Chinese Communists in the 21st century, and the correct answer to the challenges and questions of our time.