{"id":3571,"date":"2024-03-30T00:11:24","date_gmt":"2024-03-30T00:11:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=3571"},"modified":"2024-04-02T22:38:13","modified_gmt":"2024-04-02T22:38:13","slug":"modern-donem-cinin-ulusal-durumunu-ozetleyen-5-temel-nokta","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=3571","title":{"rendered":"Modern D\u00f6nem \u00c7in’in Ulusal Durumunu \u00d6zetleyen 5 Temel Nokta"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Modern D\u00f6nem \u00c7in’in Ulusal Durumunu \u00d6zetleyen 5 Temel Nokta<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Mao ve \u00c7KP \u00c7in Toplumunu ve \u00c7in\u2019deki toplumsal \u00c7eli\u015fmeleri Nas\u0131l Analiz Etti<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Do\u00e7ent Feng Wuzhong <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pekin Tsinghua Universitesi Marksizm Okulu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

May\u0131s 2022<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7eviren: H. Yemliha<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131 feodal toplum” de\u011ferlendirmesi temelinde modern d\u00f6nem \u00c7in’in temel ger\u00e7eklerini “bir, iki, \u00fc\u00e7, d\u00f6rt, be\u015f\u201d \u015feklinde ak\u0131lda kal\u0131c\u0131 bir tarzda \u00f6zetleyen bu konu\u015fmay\u0131 okuyucular i\u00e7in \u00e7evirdik. Bu s\u0131ralama 5 ba\u015fl\u0131kta \u201cbir b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlike\u201d, \u201ciki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7eli\u015fki\u201d, \u201c\u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck da\u011f\u0131 devirdik\u201d, \u201cd\u00f6rt pranga\u201d ve \u201cbe\u015f sava\u015f\u201d\u0131 simgeliyor.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir <\/strong>B\u00fcy\u00fck Tehlike<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019de 1840\u2019larla birlikte ba\u015flayan Modern zamanlardan bu yana \u00c7in ulusu bir b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlike ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: “ulusal boyun e\u011fdirme ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m”. Ulusal boyunduruk soyk\u0131r\u0131mla e\u015fde\u011fer de\u011fildir. “Ulusal boyunduruk ” bir \u00fclkenin devletinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. “Soyk\u0131r\u0131m” ise bir \u0131rk\u0131n ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yok edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Baz\u0131 insanlar “ulusal boyunduruk ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n” yabanc\u0131 istilas\u0131na direnmek ve kas\u0131tl\u0131 olarak sansasyon yaratmak isteyen ayd\u0131nlar taraf\u0131ndan uydurulan bir ill\u00fczyon oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Oysa \u00c7in i\u00e7in ulusal boyunduruk ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m bo\u015f bir yan\u0131lsama de\u011fil, ger\u00e7ek bir tehlikeydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin; 1894-1895 \u00c7in-Japon Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda, Sekiz Devlet \u0130ttifak\u0131n\u0131n (\u00c7.N: Almanya, Japonya, Rusya, Britanya, Fransa, ABD, \u0130talya ve Avusturya-Macaristan) \u00c7in’i i\u015fgali ve Japonya’n\u0131n \u00c7in’i i\u015fgali d\u00f6nemlerinde (1937-1945).<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

En ufak bir hata ulusal boyunduruk ve soyk\u0131r\u0131mla sonu\u00e7lanabilirdi. 25 A\u011fustos 1937’de Mao Zedung, Direni\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131nda Zafer \u0130\u00e7in T\u00fcm Ulusun G\u00fc\u00e7lerinin Seferber Edilmesi<\/a> makalesinde \u015f\u00f6yle belirtmi\u015fti: “Ulusumuz i\u00e7in \u00f6l\u00fcm kal\u0131m meselesi olan bu kritik noktada Kuomintang ayn\u0131 eski \u00e7izgide devam eder ve politikas\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zla de\u011fi\u015ftirmezse Direni\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in felaket getirecektir”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Burada s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen “ulusal boyunduruk ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m” asla abart\u0131 de\u011fildir. “Bir b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlike” kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda “bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm” aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 vard\u0131r, yani “ulusu boyunduruktan kurtarmak ve ulusun hayatta ayakta kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Ulusu boyunduruktan kurtarmak”, \u00fclkeyi ve vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 bu b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlikeden kurtarmakt\u0131r. “Hayatta ayakta kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak” ise \u00fclkenin ve vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n hayatta kalabilmesini sa\u011flamakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Ulusal boyun e\u011fdirme ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m” tehlikesi nedeniyle “ulusu boyun e\u011fmekten kurtarmak ve hayatta ayakta kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak” \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7aba haline gelmi\u015ftir. Modern \u00c7in tarihinin temel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 budur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ki B\u00fcy\u00fck \u00c7eli\u015fki<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Modern \u00c7in toplumu her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00e7eli\u015fkinin i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti\u011fi bir toplumdur. Bunlar aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemli olanlar \u015f\u00f6yledir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birinci \u00e7eli\u015fme<\/em>, sald\u0131rgan emperyalist s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeciler ile \u00c7in y\u00f6neticileri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkidir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Yabanc\u0131 sald\u0131rganlara kar\u015f\u0131 Boxer ayaklanmas\u0131<\/a> ve yabanc\u0131 i\u015fgali s\u0131ras\u0131nda Sekiz Devlet \u0130ttifak\u0131 \u00c7in Hanedan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki \u0130mparatori\u00e7e Cixi<\/a> aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kincisi<\/em> ise emperyalist s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeciler ve devrimciler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkidir. \u00d6rnek olarak \u0130ngiliz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecileri ele al\u0131rsak, yabanc\u0131 silahl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin lideri Gordon<\/a>‘un \u00c7inlilerin Taiping G\u00f6ksel Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/a> ile \u00e7eli\u015fkileri vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc<\/em>, \u00c7in y\u00f6neticileri ile devrimciler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkidir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, ge\u00e7 d\u00f6nem Qing hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin Taiping G\u00f6ksel Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131, Nian Ordusu<\/a> ve TongMengHui<\/a> (\u00c7.n: Kuamintang\u2019\u0131n ard\u0131l\u0131 olan parti) ile \u00e7eli\u015fkileri vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc<\/em>, farkl\u0131 emperyalist s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkidir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k, Fransa, Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri ve Japonya’n\u0131n birbirleriyle \u00e7eli\u015fkileri vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015fincisi<\/em>, \u00c7inli y\u00f6neticilerin kendi aralar\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerdir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 1898 Reformu<\/a> s\u0131ras\u0131nda reformistlerin muhafazak\u00e2rlarla \u00e7eli\u015fkileri vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alt\u0131nc\u0131s\u0131<\/em>, devrimciler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerdir; Taiping G\u00f6ksel Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131’n\u0131n krallar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki \u015fiddetli \u00e7eli\u015fkiler buna \u00f6rnek olarak verilebilir. Bu karma\u015f\u0131k \u00e7eli\u015fkileri analiz eden Mao Zedung, \u00c7in Devrimi ve \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi<\/a> adl\u0131 makalesinde modern \u00c7in toplumunu karakterize eden en \u00f6nemli \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi belirlemi\u015ftir: emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mao Zedung \u015funa i\u015faret etmi\u015ftir: “Emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki ve feodalizm ile geni\u015f halk kitleleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki modern \u00c7in toplumundaki en \u00f6nemli ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki \u00e7eli\u015fkidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ikisinin birle\u015fimi bize \u00c7in toplumunun temel \u00e7eli\u015fmesini verir. ( Fundemantal or basic contradiction)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elbette burjuvazi ile proletarya aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki ve bizzat gerici egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kendi i\u00e7lerindeki \u00e7eli\u015fkiler gibi ba\u015fka \u00e7eli\u015fkiler de vard\u0131r. Ancak emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki en temel \u00e7eli\u015fkidir”. Feodalizm ile geni\u015f halk kitleleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiden daha da \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu s\u00f6zlere derin bir kavray\u0131\u015fla yakla\u015fmal\u0131y\u0131z.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Emperyalizm ve \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi”<\/em> nas\u0131l yorumlayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131zla ba\u015flayal\u0131m.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birincisi, emperyalizm hem 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda olu\u015fan uluslararas\u0131 tekelci kapitalizm g\u00fc\u00e7lerini hem de 1840’tan sonra \u00c7in’i i\u015fgal etmeye ba\u015flayan s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecileri ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kincisi, emperyalizm burada sadece \u0130ngiliz, Frans\u0131z, Japon ve Amerikan emperyalistleri gibi farkl\u0131 emperyalistleri de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu emperyalistlerden olu\u015fan emperyalist sistemi de ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, \u00c7in ulusu yaln\u0131zca \u00c7in’in kitlelerini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00c7in’in y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7ermektedir. Gerici do\u011falar\u0131 nedeniyle y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00c7in ulusundan d\u0131\u015flayamay\u0131z.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ana (ba\u015fat) y\u00f6n\u00fc \u00c7in ulusundan ziyade emperyalizmde yatmaktad\u0131r. Bunun nedeni nedir? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in ulusunun i\u015fgalini emperyalistler ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, tersi de\u011fil. Ayn\u0131 zamanda emperyalizm de nispeten daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7eli\u015fkinin ana (ba\u015fat) y\u00f6n\u00fc emperyalizm taraf\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7indir ki, normalde bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiden “\u00c7in ulusu ile emperyalizm aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki” yerine “emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki” olarak form\u00fcle ederiz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015finci olarak, emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki ulusal bir \u00e7eli\u015fkidir, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda ulusal bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiden daha fazlas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, ulusal \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00f6z\u00fc, emperyalist \u00fclkelerin y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00c7in’in y\u00f6netilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 bast\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00c7in’in y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla birle\u015fmesidir. Bu anlamda ayn\u0131 zamanda bir s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Peki, <\/em>“feodalizm ile halk kitleleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki” nas\u0131l anla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birincisi, buradaki feodalizm, Osmanl\u0131\u2019daki ve bir\u00e7ok do\u011fu \u00fclkesindeki “t\u0131mar sistemi” ne<\/strong> benzeyen Qin Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6neme \u00f6zg\u00fc feodalizm de\u011fil, otokratik bir monar\u015fi rejimi taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen Qin Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019ndan itibaren var olan feodalizmdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu eski feodal t\u0131mar sisteminde h\u00fck\u00fcmdar belirli bir hizmeti ve i\u015fi \u00fcstlenmesi ( \u00f6rne\u011fin sava\u015flar i\u00e7in asker besleme ve sava\u015fta g\u00f6rev alma)  kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda topra\u011f\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 bir ki\u015fiye verir. Bu uygulama \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00c7in\u2019de Cai Lun adl\u0131 bir ki\u015fi k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t yap\u0131m\u0131ndaki yeniliklere hizmetlerinden dolay\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir k\u00f6y olan Longting’in ba\u015f\u0131na getirilmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcm topraklar\u0131n sahibi ise h\u00fck\u00fcmdard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci olarak, buradaki feodal g\u00fc\u00e7ler hem ge\u00e7 Qing Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmeti gibi geleneksel feodal g\u00fc\u00e7leri hem de Kuzey Sava\u015f A\u011falar\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ve Kuomintang h\u00fck\u00fcmeti gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc feodal de\u011ferler ta\u015f\u0131yan di\u011fer y\u00f6netici siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7leri i\u00e7ermektedir. Asl\u0131nda feodalizm, daha sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan b\u00fcrokratik kapitalizmi de kapsamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, kitleler yaln\u0131zca proletarya, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck gibi \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerdeki s\u0131radan halk\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerdeki y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ayd\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f \u015fahsiyetlerini de i\u00e7erir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc “halk” kavram\u0131n\u0131n kendisi tarihsel bir kategoridir. T\u0131pk\u0131 Mao Zedung’un i\u015faret etti\u011fi gibi: “Halk kavram\u0131n\u0131n farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerde ve farkl\u0131 tarihsel d\u00f6nemlerde farkl\u0131 anlamlar\u0131 vard\u0131r”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin en \u00f6nemli y\u00f6n\u00fc kitlelerden ziyade feodalizmde yatmaktad\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kitlelere zarar veren feodalizmdir, tersi de\u011fil. Feodalizm de olduk\u00e7a g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k kitlelerin olduk\u00e7a zay\u0131ft\u0131. \u00c7eli\u015fkinin ana y\u00f6n\u00fc feodalizmde yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in normalde bunu \u015fu \u015fekilde ifade ederiz: “Kitleler ile feodalizm aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki” yerine “feodalizm ile kitleler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015finci olarak, feodalizm ile kitleler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00f6z\u00fc genellikle s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisi olarak kabul edilir. Ancak buradaki s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisi ne toprak a\u011falar\u0131 ile k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ne de burjuvazi ile proletarya aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ifade eder. Bunun yerine, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f ile ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki kastedilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak, Mao\u2019nun “emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki t\u00fcm \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin en \u00f6nemlisidir” g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc nas\u0131l anlayabiliriz?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7\u0130N\u2019DE FARKLI D\u00d6NEMLERE G\u00d6RE DE\u011e\u0130\u015eEN BA\u015e \u00c7EL\u0130\u015eME TANIMLARI<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Temel \u00e7eli\u015fki, \u015feylerin geli\u015fim s\u00fcreci boyunca devam eden ve \u015feylerin geli\u015fim s\u00fcrecinin temel do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ifade eder. \u00d6rne\u011fin, halk kitleleri ile emperyalizm, feodalizm ve b\u00fcrokratik kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki, \u00c7in’in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal toplumundaki temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiydi. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki yeni demokratik devrimin zaferi ile birlikte bu temel \u00e7eli\u015fme yerini yeni bir temel \u00e7eli\u015fmeye b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Temel \u00e7eli\u015fki t\u00fcm yeni demokratik devrim s\u00fcreci boyunca devam eder ve demokratik devrim s\u00fcrecinin temel do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlar. Ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki ise karma\u015f\u0131k \u015feylerin \u00e7eli\u015fkili sisteminde bask\u0131n bir konuma sahip olan ve \u015feylerin geli\u015fim s\u00fcrecinde belirleyici bir rol oynayan \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ifade eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Temel \u00e7eli\u015fki ve ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki farkl\u0131 d\u00fczeyleri ifade eden kavramlard\u0131r. Temel \u00e7eli\u015fki toplumsal ve tarihsel geli\u015fimin kayna\u011f\u0131 ve itici g\u00fcc\u00fc iken, ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki bug\u00fcnk\u00fc mevcut toplumsal geli\u015fimin belirleyicisi konumda olan \u00e7eli\u015fkisidir. Temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ile ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fkiler aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin do\u011fru bir \u015fekilde kavranmas\u0131 ve ele al\u0131nmas\u0131, toplumsal geli\u015fme ve ilerlemenin te\u015fvik edilmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir \u00f6n ko\u015fuldur.<\/strong> Temel \u00e7eli\u015fki ancak her ara a\u015famada ba\u015fa \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi yoluyla kademeli olarak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilir. Ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme derecesi, temel \u00e7eli\u015fkinin geli\u015fimi \u00fczerinde belirli bir etkiye sahip olacakt\u0131r.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hepimizin bildi\u011fi gibi modern \u00c7in’de bir\u00e7ok \u00e7eli\u015fki vard\u0131 ve bunlardan ikisi en \u00f6nemli olanlard\u0131. Ancak bu ikisi i\u00e7inde de daha \u00f6nemlisi “emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki”<\/em> idi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u015fte tam da bu nedenle yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal ifadesi tersine \u00e7evrilemez; “yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal toplum” ifadesi “yar\u0131-feodal ve yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge toplum” olarak ifade edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 zamanda, ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc modern \u00c7in a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmemiz gerekir. Ancak, farkl\u0131 tarihsel d\u00f6nemlerde ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi o anki duruma g\u00f6re analiz etmeliyiz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Genel olarak, 1840’tan 1911’e kadar ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki Qing Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ile Taiping G\u00f6ksel Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri, Nian Ordusu, Boks\u00f6rler ve Tong Meng Hui Partisi gibi devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1911’den 1921’e kadar ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki Kuzey Sava\u015f A\u011falar\u0131 ile milliyet\u00e7i Kuomintang aras\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1921’den 1927’ye kadar ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki Kuzey Sava\u015f A\u011falar\u0131 ile Kuomintang+Kom\u00fcnist devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1927’den 1937’ye kadar ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki Kuomintang rejimi ile \u00c7in\u2019deki \u00e7e\u015fitli devrimci \u00fcs b\u00f6lgelerindeki Kom\u00fcnist Sovyet rejimi g\u00fc\u00e7leri aras\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1937’den 1945’e kadar ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki Japon emperyalizmi ile \u00c7in’in Japonya sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1945’ten 1949’a kadar ise ba\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fki Kuomintang rejimi ile \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eskiden modern \u00c7in’in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n, ba\u015fl\u0131ca toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fkinin emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki ve feodalizm ile kitleler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki oldu\u011funu belirledi\u011fi s\u00f6ylenirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

O zaman size bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn do\u011fru olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sormak istiyorum? A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131 bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f tam olarak do\u011fru de\u011fil \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu iki \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal toplumsal yap\u0131 de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elbette, modern \u00c7in’in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal bir topluma indirgenmesinin bu iki \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00e7ifti y\u00fcz\u00fcnden oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek iddiay\u0131 tersine \u00e7eviremeyiz. Tersi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f de yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Burada toplumsal nitelik ve temel \u00e7eli\u015fki basit bir nedensellik ili\u015fkisi i\u00e7inde de\u011fildir. Kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir ili\u015fki i\u00e7indedirler, birbirlerinin neden-sonucu ve i\u00e7i-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak hizmet ederler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ba\u015fl\u0131kta bahsedilenler modern \u00c7in’deki iki ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e7eli\u015fkiyle ilgilidir. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiler \u00c7in devriminin iki d\u00fc\u015fmanla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011funu belirlemi\u015ftir. Bu d\u00fc\u015fmanlar, \u00c7in devriminin ikili karakterini belirleyen emperyalizm ve feodal toprak a\u011fas\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r. Bir yandan, yabanc\u0131 emperyalistlerin bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmak i\u00e7in ulusal bir devrim, di\u011fer yandan da yerli feodal toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmak i\u00e7in demokratik bir devrim gereklidir. Bu iki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7eli\u015fki, \u00c7in devriminin iki b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6revini belirler; sadece emperyalizmi de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda feodalizmi de yenerek iki b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 alt etmek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Basit gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bu konu s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda tarihte pek \u00e7ok yanl\u0131\u015f anlama olmu\u015ftur:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birincisi, emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 direnip feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 direnmemek ve ulusal \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi tek \u00e7eli\u015fki olarak g\u00f6rmektir. Bu yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kincisi, emperyalizme de\u011fil feodalizme direnmek ve emperyalizmin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 inkar etmek ya da sorunun boyutunu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc ne emperyalizme ne de feodalizme direnmek ve \u00c7in’in o zamanlar yozla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f ve k\u00f6t\u00fc olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na inanmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc ise emperyalizme ve feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 herhangi bir strateji olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, her ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun, her yoldan ve her y\u00f6nden direnmektir ki bu her yerde d\u00fc\u015fmanlar edinen pervas\u0131z k\u00f6r\u00fcms\u00fc bir harekettir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn bile \u00c7in’in emperyalizme ve feodalizme direnip direnmemesi gerekti\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda modern \u00c7in’in konusu “feodalizme ve emperyalizme direnmeli miyiz” de\u011fil, “emperyalizme ve feodalizme nas\u0131l direnmeliyiz”, yani istenen ama\u00e7lara ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in do\u011fru stratejiyi nas\u0131l kullanmal\u0131y\u0131zd\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 Deng Xiaoping’in i\u015faret etti\u011fi gibi: “Ancak, bu g\u00f6revi ortaya koyarak emperyalizme ve feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin anlam\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebilir miyiz? Hay\u0131r! Bunu s\u00f6yleyemeyiz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00f6yle bir m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in do\u011fru strateji ve taktikleri form\u00fcle etmek ve uygulamak kolay bir i\u015f de\u011fildir. Bu devrimci a\u015famada olduk\u00e7a uzun bir s\u00fcre boyunca partimiz emperyalizme ve feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 nas\u0131l m\u00fccadele edilece\u011fi gibi bir soruyu \u00e7\u00f6zemedi ya da a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturamad\u0131. Hangi g\u00fc\u00e7lere dayanmal\u0131y\u0131z, hangi g\u00fc\u00e7lerle birle\u015fmeliyiz ve hangi g\u00fc\u00e7lere sald\u0131rmal\u0131y\u0131z? Bu gibi sorular partimizde uzun s\u00fcre belirsiz ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz kald\u0131.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1997\u2019de \u00c7KP’nin On Be\u015finci Ulusal Kongresinin raporunda iki b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihi g\u00f6rev hakk\u0131nda \u015funlar belirtilmi\u015ftir: “Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan sonra \u00c7in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-feodal bir \u00fclke durumuna d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. \u00c7in ulusu iki b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihi g\u00f6revle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; bunlardan biri ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve halk\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu, di\u011feri ise \u00fclkenin refah\u0131 ve halk\u0131n refah\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakt\u0131r. \u0130lk g\u00f6rev, engelleri ortadan kald\u0131rmak ve ikinci g\u00f6revin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7makt\u0131r”. Bu yerinde bir ifadedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7 B\u00fcy\u00fck Da\u011f<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7 B\u00fcy\u00fck Da\u011f, modern zamanlardan beri \u00c7in halk\u0131n\u0131 ezen emperyalizm, feodalizm ve b\u00fcrokratik kapitalizme at\u0131fta bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7 B\u00fcy\u00fck Da\u011f metaforunu ilk defa Mao Zedung yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 25 Haziran 1945’te Mao Zedung, \u00c7KP’nin Yedinci Ulusal Kongresinde kapan\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131. Kapan\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131 daha sonra Da\u011flar\u0131 Kazarak Ortadan Kald\u0131ran Budala Ya\u015fl\u0131 Adam<\/a> olarak adland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Norman Bethune An\u0131s\u0131na<\/a> ve Halka Hizmet<\/a> ile birlikte bu yaz\u0131 laosanpian’dan (\u00fc\u00e7 k\u0131sa yaz\u0131) biridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kapan\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131nda Mao Zedung bir hikaye anlatt\u0131. Dedi ki: “Eski bir \u00c7in masal\u0131nda “Da\u011flar\u0131 Kazarak Ortadan Kald\u0131ran Budala Ya\u015fl\u0131 Adam” diye bir hikaye vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uzun, \u00e7ok uzun zaman \u00f6nce Kuzey \u00c7in’de ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f ve Kuzey Da\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Budala Ya\u015fl\u0131 Adam\u0131 olarak bilinen ya\u015fl\u0131 bir adamdan bahseder. Evi g\u00fcneye bakarm\u0131\u015f ve kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde yolu kapatan iki b\u00fcy\u00fck tepe dururmu\u015f. Da\u011flardan birinin ad\u0131 Taihang Da\u011f\u0131, di\u011ferinin ad\u0131 ise Wangwu Da\u011f\u0131’ym\u0131\u015f. Bir g\u00fcn o\u011fullar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131r ve b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kararl\u0131l\u0131kla ellerindeki \u00e7apalarla bu da\u011flar\u0131 kazmaya ba\u015flarlar. Bilge Ya\u015fl\u0131 Adam olarak bilinen ba\u015fka bir aksakall\u0131 onlar\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f ve alayc\u0131 bir \u015fekilde \u015f\u00f6yle demi\u015f. Bunu yapman\u0131z ne kadar aptalca. Bu iki devasa da\u011f\u0131 kazmak sizin gibi birka\u00e7 ki\u015fi i\u00e7in imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. Budala \u0130htiyar cevap vermi\u015f. Ben \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmde o\u011fullar\u0131m devam edecek, onlar \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde torunlar\u0131m, sonra onlar\u0131n o\u011fullar\u0131 ve torunlar\u0131 olacak ve bu sonsuza kadar b\u00f6yle devam edecek. Da\u011flar bu kadar y\u00fcksekken daha fazla y\u00fckselemezler ve her kazd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z yerde biraz daha al\u00e7alacaklar… Neden onlar\u0131 temizlemiyelim? Bilge Ya\u015fl\u0131 Adam’\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fckten sonra, inanc\u0131 sars\u0131lmadan her g\u00fcn da\u011f\u0131 kazmaya devam etti. Tanr\u0131 ise bundan etkilenmi\u015f ve da\u011flar\u0131 s\u0131rtlar\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131yan iki melek indirmi\u015f. \u015eimdi de iki da\u011f var. Bug\u00fcn iki b\u00fcy\u00fck da\u011f \u00c7in halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde \u00f6l\u00fc bir a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k gibi durmaktad\u0131r. Biri emperyalizm, di\u011feri feodalizm. \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi uzun zamand\u0131r bunlar\u0131 kazmaya karar vermi\u015ftir. Durmadan sebat etmeli ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmal\u0131y\u0131z. Biz de Tanr\u0131’n\u0131n kalbine dokunaca\u011f\u0131z. Bizim Tanr\u0131m\u0131z \u00c7in halk kitlelerinden ba\u015fkas\u0131 de\u011fildir. E\u011fer onlar aya\u011fa kalkar ve bizimle birlikte iki da\u011f\u0131 kazarlarsa, bu iki da\u011f neden temizlenemesin?”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mao Zedung’un s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi “\u0130ki B\u00fcy\u00fck Da\u011f” b\u00fcrokratik kapitalizmi d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rak\u0131yordu<\/a>. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc o d\u00f6nemde Japonya Kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 Sava\u015f <\/a>hen\u00fcz bitmemi\u015fti, Kuomintang ve Kom\u00fcnist Parti hen\u00fcz ikinci i\u015f birli\u011fi d\u00f6nemi <\/a>i\u00e7indeydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1946-1950 Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda b\u00fcrokratik kapitalizm do\u011fal olarak \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck da\u011f haline geldi ve daha sonra insanlar taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131k\u00e7a bahsedilen “\u00dc\u00e7 B\u00fcy\u00fck Da\u011f” ifadesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin Mao Zedung 9 Temmuz 1957’de yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Burjuva Sa\u011fc\u0131lar\u0131n Sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 Geri P\u00fcsk\u00fcrt\u00fcn<\/a> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesinde \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: “Demokratik devrimin amac\u0131 emperyalizm, feodalizm ve b\u00fcrokratik-kapitalizmden olu\u015fan \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck da\u011f\u0131 devirmek de\u011fil miydi?”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1961 y\u0131l\u0131nda General Zhu De<\/a>, \u00c7KP’nin K\u0131rk\u0131nc\u0131 Y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc An\u0131s\u0131na adl\u0131 \u015fiirinde \u015f\u00f6yle yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“\u0130ki devrimi omuzlay\u0131p \u00fc\u00e7 da\u011f\u0131 devirmek.”<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1976 y\u0131l\u0131nda Guo Moruo<\/a>, Ba\u015fkan Mao’ya Yas \u015fiirini yazd\u0131:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“\u00dc\u00e7 B\u00fcy\u00fck Da\u011f yere d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc,
Be\u015f Y\u0131ld\u0131zl\u0131 K\u0131z\u0131l Bayrak g\u00f6\u011fe y\u00fckseldi.”<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rt Pranga<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

“D\u00f6rt” ne anlama geliyor? Baz\u0131lar\u0131 Hu Shi<\/a>‘nin “d\u00f6rt tehlike” olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilirler. Hu Shi devrimcilerin \u00c7in’in \u00fc\u00e7 tehlikesi oldu\u011funu iddia ettiklerini s\u00f6yleyen bir makale yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; afyon, sekiz b\u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fc kompozisyon ve ayak ba\u011flama. Asl\u0131nda \u00c7in’in bir tehlikesi daha vard\u0131, o da mahjong.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Liberal Hu Shi’nin bahsetti\u011fi “D\u00f6rt tehlike” elbette eski \u00c7in’in hastal\u0131klar\u0131d\u0131r ancak bizim bahsetti\u011fimiz “D\u00f6rt” bunlar de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Buradaki “D\u00f6rt”; “d\u00f6rt pranga”, yani siyasi otorite, klan otoritesi, dini otorite ve kocan\u0131n otoritesi anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Bu ifadeyi Mao Zedung ortaya atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mao Zedung. Hunan’daki K\u00f6yl\u00fc Hareketinin \u0130ncelenmesi Hakk\u0131nda Rapor<\/a>‘da \u015f\u00f6yle yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: “\u00c7in’de bir erkek genellikle \u00fc\u00e7 otorite sisteminin tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcne maruz kal\u0131r; birincisi ulusal, il, il\u00e7e h\u00fck\u00fcmetinden kasabaya kadar uzanan devlet sistemi, yani siyasi otorite. \u0130kincisi, merkezi atalar tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131 ve onun \u015fube tap\u0131naklar\u0131ndan hane reisine kadar uzanan klan sistemi, yani klan otoritesi. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, Cehennem Kral\u0131’ndan yeralt\u0131 d\u00fcnyas\u0131na ait kasaba ve k\u00f6y tanr\u0131lar\u0131na ve Cennet \u0130mparatoru’ndan g\u00f6ksel d\u00fcnyaya ait t\u00fcm \u00e7e\u015fitli tanr\u0131 ve ruhlara kadar uzanan do\u011fa\u00fcst\u00fc sistem, yani dini otorite. Kad\u0131nlara gelince, bu \u00fc\u00e7 otorite sistemi taraf\u0131ndan tahakk\u00fcme u\u011framalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, erkekler taraf\u0131ndan da tahakk\u00fcme u\u011frarlar, yani kocan\u0131n otoritesi.” “Bu d\u00f6rt otorite siyasi otorite, klan otoritesi, dini otorite ve kocan\u0131n otoritesi t\u00fcm feodal-patriarkal sistemin ve ideolojinin somutla\u015fm\u0131\u015f halidir ve \u00c7in halk\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6zellikle de k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri ba\u011flayan d\u00f6rt kal\u0131n prangad\u0131r” dedi. Bu d\u00f6rt pranga eski \u00c7in’in ba\u015f\u0131na bela olan d\u00f6rt m\u00fczmin sorundur. Bu nedenle \u00c7in devriminin hedefleri bunlar olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Kocan\u0131n otoritesinin sadece kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in bir esaret de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda erkekler i\u00e7in de bir y\u00fck oldu\u011funu fark etmek gerekir. Bu otoritenin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 sadece kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesine yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmakla kalmaz, ayn\u0131 zamanda erkeklerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in de gereklidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015f Sava\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Belki baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131na Hu Shi’nin “\u00c7in’i rahats\u0131z eden be\u015f hayalet” s\u00f6z\u00fc gelebilir ki bu s\u00f6z “\u00c7in’i taciz eden be\u015f barbar” deyi\u015finden esinlenerek s\u00f6ylenmi\u015ftir. Nisan 1930’da Hu Shi ayl\u0131k New Moon dergisinde We Go Down That Road ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir makale yay\u0131nlad\u0131. \u00c7in’e zarar veren \u015feyin “be\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman” ya da “be\u015f hayalet” oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. \u015e\u00f6yle diyordu: “\u0130lk d\u00fc\u015fman yoksulluktur. \u0130kinci d\u00fc\u015fman hastal\u0131kt\u0131r. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fc\u015fman cehalettir. D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fc\u015fman yolsuzluk ve be\u015finci d\u00fc\u015fman kaostur. Bu be\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman aras\u0131nda kapitalizm yer almamaktad\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc hen\u00fcz kapitalizmi tart\u0131\u015facak yeterlilikte de\u011filiz. Burjuvazi de yer alm\u0131yor, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u0131rak\u0131n burjuvaziyi, \u00e7ok az varl\u0131kl\u0131 insan\u0131m\u0131z var. Feodalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler dahil edilmedi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc feodalist kurum iki bin y\u0131l \u00f6nce \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc. Emperyalizm de dahil edilmedi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc emperyalizm be\u015f hayaletin bile uzak durdu\u011fu bir \u00fclkeyi i\u015fgal edemez”. Bunlar Hu Shi’nin s\u00f6zleri. Bizim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarz\u0131m\u0131za g\u00f6re Hu Shi, \u00c7in’in tehlikelerinin yoksulluk, hastal\u0131k, cehalet, yolsuzluk ve kaos oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Bu yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fil \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc eski \u00c7in ger\u00e7ekten de bu m\u00fczmin sosyal sorunlara sahipti. Ancak bu iddia \u00e7ok y\u00fczeysel ve s\u0131\u011fd\u0131r. Hu Shi be\u015f hayalet tehlikesini kapitalizm, burjuvazi, feodalizm ve emperyalizm tehlikesinden ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki bunun yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc “be\u015f hayalet” tehlikesi ile feodalizm ve emperyalizm tehlikesi birbiriyle yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkilidir. Bu Hu Shi’nin \u201cBe\u015fidir\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

O halde bahsetti\u011fimiz “Be\u015f” nedir? Hu Shi’nin “be\u015f hayalet” olarak bahsetti\u011fi \u015fey de\u011fil, daha ziyade modern zamanlarda \u00c7in ile yabanc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan ve “be\u015f sava\u015f”t\u0131r. Qing Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n son d\u00f6nemlerinde yabanc\u0131 kapitalist \u00fclkeler \u00c7in’e kar\u015f\u0131 be\u015f sald\u0131rgan sava\u015f ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlar Birinci Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131<\/a>, \u0130kinci Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131<\/a>, Fransa-\u00c7in Sava\u015f\u0131<\/a>, 1894 \u00c7in-Japon Sava\u015f\u0131<\/a> ve Sekiz Devlet \u0130ttak\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lan sava\u015ft\u0131r. Bu be\u015f sava\u015f\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 hepimiz i\u00e7in a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Qing Hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 H\u00fck\u00fcmeti defalarca sava\u015ft\u0131 ve defalarca yenilgiye u\u011frad\u0131. Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan sonra \u00c7in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bir toplum haline gelmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. \u0130kinci Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan sonra \u00c7in’in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015fmesi daha da \u015fiddetlendi. 1894 \u00c7in-Japon Sava\u015f\u0131’ndan sonra \u00c7in’in yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015fmesi ciddi \u015fekilde \u015fiddetlendi. Xin Chou Antla\u015fmas\u0131<\/a>‘n\u0131n imzalanmas\u0131ndan sonra \u00c7in tamamen yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bir toplum haline geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in halk\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck felaketler getiren be\u015f sava\u015f, modern \u00c7in’in ihmal edilemeyecek karanl\u0131k tarihini olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bu arada “be\u015f sava\u015f”\u0131n “be\u015f hayalet” ile yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkili oldu\u011funu belirtmemiz gerekir. E\u011fer \u00c7in’de yay\u0131lan be\u015f hayalet olmasayd\u0131, emperyalist \u00fclkeler \u00c7in’i \u00e7ok fazla \u00e7aba harcamadan i\u015fgal edemezlerdi. Emperyalist i\u015fgalden sonra \u00c7in’in “be\u015f hayaleti” rahatlamad\u0131, aksine daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zet:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eimdi geriye d\u00f6n\u00fcp bakal\u0131m ve \u00c7in ulusal ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n Bir, \u0130ki, \u00dc\u00e7, D\u00f6rt ve Be\u015f’ini yani \u00f6zetleyelim:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlike; ulusal boyun e\u011fdirme ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m. Bir b\u00fcy\u00fck tema; \u00fclkeyi boyunduruktan kurtarmak ve hayatta kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7eli\u015fki; emperyalizm ile \u00c7in ulusu aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki ve feodalizm ile kitleler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki. \u0130ki b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fman; emperyalizm ve feodalizm. \u00c7in devriminin ikili karakteri; ulusal devrim ve demokratik devrim. \u00c7in devriminin iki b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6revi; anti-emperyalizm ve anti-feodalizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck da\u011f; emperyalizm, feodalizm ve b\u00fcrokratik kapitalizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rt pranga; siyasi otorite, klan otoritesi, dini otorite ve evde kocan\u0131n otoritesi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015f sava\u015f; Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131, \u0130kinci Afyon Sava\u015f\u0131, \u00c7in-Fransa Sava\u015f\u0131, 1894 \u00c7in-Japon Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Emperyalist Sekiz G\u00fc\u00e7 M\u00fcttefik Kuvvetlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yukar\u0131daki “bir, iki, \u00fc\u00e7, d\u00f6rt ve be\u015f”i anlamak, modern \u00c7in’in temel ger\u00e7eklerini ve \u00c7in devriminin ard\u0131ndaki nedeni anlaman\u0131n anahtar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in neden bir devrime ihtiya\u00e7 duydu, modern \u00c7in’in devriminin nedenlerini \u00f6zetledim. Birinci neden, \u00c7in ulusunun ve \u00c7in halk\u0131n\u0131n hem yabanc\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilerin hem de yerli y\u00f6neticilerin ikili bask\u0131lar\u0131na maruz kalmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130kincisi ise \u00c7inli y\u00f6neticilerin bu bask\u0131lar\u0131 ne kendilerini geli\u015ftirerek ne de reformizm yoluyla hafifletmeyi ba\u015faramam\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla devrim ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2 Ocak 1921’de Xinmin Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen yeni y\u0131l konferans\u0131nda Mao Zedung, d\u00fcnyadaki sosyal sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik be\u015f \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc s\u0131ralad\u0131:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Bir; sosyal politika.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130ki; sosyal demokratizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7; radikal kom\u00fcnizm ya da Leninizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rt; Russell taraf\u0131ndan savunulan \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 kom\u00fcnizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Be\u015f; anar\u015fizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mao daha sonra \u015funlar\u0131 ilave etti: “Sosyal politika eksiklikleri d\u00fczeltmenin bir yoludur. Bu nedenle bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak say\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Sosyal demokrasi parlamentoyu bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm arac\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131r ama asl\u0131nda parlamentonun yasalar\u0131 her zaman m\u00fclk sahibi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 korur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anar\u015fizm iktidar\u0131 reddeder. Belki de pratikte hi\u00e7bir zaman y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe giremez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Russell ya da laissez-faire (b\u0131rak\u0131n\u0131z yaps\u0131nlarc\u0131 liberal) kapitalistler taraf\u0131ndan savunulan a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck gibi \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 kom\u00fcnizm de asla ba\u015far\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Radikal kom\u00fcnizm ya da emek teorisi s\u0131n\u0131f diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullan\u0131r ve arzu edilen sonu\u00e7lara ula\u015fmay\u0131 vaat eder. Bu nedenle benimsenmesi uygundur.” Mao Zedung burada eleme y\u00f6ntemini kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve kesinlikle hakl\u0131yd\u0131. Devrim ger\u00e7ekten de insan\u0131n \u00f6znel iradesinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z nesnel bir nedenden kaynaklan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Modern D\u00f6nem \u00c7in’in Ulusal Durumunu \u00d6zetleyen 5 Temel Nokta Mao ve \u00c7KP \u00c7in Toplumunu ve \u00c7in\u2019deki toplumsal \u00c7eli\u015fmeleri Nas\u0131l Analiz Etti Do\u00e7ent Feng Wuzhong  Pekin Tsinghua Universitesi Marksizm Okulu May\u0131s 2022 \u00c7eviren: H. Yemliha “Yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131 feodal toplum” de\u011ferlendirmesi temelinde modern d\u00f6nem \u00c7in’in temel ger\u00e7eklerini “bir, iki, \u00fc\u00e7, d\u00f6rt, be\u015f\u201d \u015feklinde ak\u0131lda kal\u0131c\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[5,8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3571","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-dunya-sosyalizmi","category-kapitalizm"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3571","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=3571"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3571\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3572,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3571\/revisions\/3572"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=3571"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=3571"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=3571"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}