<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gabriel Rockhill, Critical Theory Workshop\/Atelier de Th\u00e9orie Critique’in y\u00f6netici m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc ve ABD Pennsylvania’daki Villanova \u00dcniversitesi felsefe b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyesidir. Yak\u0131nda Monthly Review Press’ten \u00e7\u0131kacak The Intellectual World War: Marxism versus the Imperial Theory Industry [Entelekt\u00fcel D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131: Marxizme Kar\u015f\u0131 Emperyal Kuram Sanayii] ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 kitab\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Kitap yazar\u0131n be\u015finci tek yazarl\u0131 kitab\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. S\u00f6yle\u015fiyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren Zhao Dingqi, \u00c7in Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Marksizm Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc’nde yard\u0131mc\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 ve D\u00fcnya Sosyalizmi Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 dergisinin edit\u00f6r\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p><\/div>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n Gabriel Rockhill, Critical Theory Workshop\/Atelier de Th\u00e9orie Critique\u2019in y\u00f6netici m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc ve ABD Pennsylvania\u2019daki Villanova \u00dcniversitesi felsefe b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyesidir. Yak\u0131nda Monthly Review Press\u2019ten \u00e7\u0131kacak The Intellectual World War<\/em>: Marxism versus the Imperial Theory Industry<\/em> [Entelekt\u00fcel D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131: Marxizme Kar\u015f\u0131 Emperyal Kuram Sanayii<\/em>] ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 kitab\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Kitap yazar\u0131n be\u015finci tek yazarl\u0131 kitab\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. S\u00f6yle\u015fiyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren Zhao Dingqi, \u00c7in Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Marksizm Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019nde yard\u0131mc\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 ve D\u00fcnya Sosyalizmi Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 <\/em>dergisinin edit\u00f6r\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n Zizek, \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en \u00f6nde gelen entelekt\u00fcellerinden biri, 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda Foreign Policy Dergisi\u2019nin<\/em> \u201cEn \u0130yi 100 K\u00fcresel D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u201d listesine se\u00e7ildi.[1] Ayn\u0131 ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 \u00f6d\u00fcl\u00fc; Dick Cheney, Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, Benjamin Netanyahu ve eski Mossad direkt\u00f6r\u00fc Meir Dagan gibi isimlerle payla\u015f\u0131yor. ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bir kolu olan bu tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f dergiye g\u00f6re, Zizek\u2019in iyi fikri, \u201csolun bekledi\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fck devrimin asla gelmeyece\u011fi.\u201d[2]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Di\u011fer fikirleri de kesinlikle g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc rakipler olurdu ve listeye kendisinin daha yak\u0131n tarihli konumlan\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 da ekleyebiliriz. Birka\u00e7 \u00f6rnek vermek gerekirse, bu \u00fcst d\u00fczey k\u00fcresel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l kom\u00fcnizmini ve daha \u00f6zg\u00fcl bir bi\u00e7imde Stalinizmi \u201cbelki de insanl\u0131k tarihinin en k\u00f6t\u00fc ideolojik, siyasi, etik, sosyal (ve benzeri) felaketi\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[3] Asl\u0131na bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, Stalin y\u00f6netimindeki K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu\u2019nun Nazi sava\u015f makinesini ma\u011flup etmesinden \u00fcz\u00fcnt\u00fc duyan yazar, \u201csoyut bir ac\u0131 d\u00fczeyini \u00f6l\u00e7erseniz, Stalinizm Nazizmden daha k\u00f6t\u00fcyd\u00fc\u201d diye ekler.[4] \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Reich\u2019\u0131n \u015fiddeti kom\u00fcnizm kadar \u201cradikal\u201d de\u011fildi ve \u201cHitler\u2019in sorunu yeterince \u015fiddet uygulamamas\u0131yd\u0131,\u201d diye \u0131srar eder.[5] Belki de bu kuramsal b\u00fcy\u00fck adama g\u00f6re Hitler, \u201con milyonlar\u0131 a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeye ac\u0131mas\u0131zca karar veren\u201d Mao Zedong\u2019dan baz\u0131 ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 alabilirdi.[6] Bu desteksiz iddia, yazar\u0131n\u0131, Mao\u2019nun yurtta\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcrme niyetinde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul eden anti-kom\u00fcnist Black Book of Communism<\/em>\u2018in (Kom\u00fcnizmin Kara Kitab\u0131) bile sa\u011f\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmektedir.[7] Ancak bu kuramc\u0131 i\u00e7in bu t\u00fcr bilgilerin hi\u00e7bir \u00f6nemi yoktur zira kendisi modern d\u00fcnyadaki en k\u00f6t\u00fc \u201cinsanl\u0131k su\u00e7u\u201dnun Nazizm ya da fa\u015fizm de\u011fil, kom\u00fcnizm oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131m\u0131yla hareket etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130\u00e7i Bo\u015f \u0130nsan: Devrimin \u0130mkans\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n S\u00f6z konusu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ayn\u0131 zamanda Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n D\u00fcnya gezegeninin di\u011fer t\u00fcm b\u00f6lgelerinden siyasi, ahlaki ve entelekt\u00fcel olarak \u00fcst\u00fcn oldu\u011funu ima eden, kendini Avrupa merkezci olarak tan\u0131mlayan bir ki\u015fidir.[8] Avrupa\u2019daki m\u00fclteci krizi Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n geni\u015f Akdeniz b\u00f6lgesindeki ac\u0131mas\u0131z askeri m\u00fcdahaleleri nedeniyle yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Samuel Huntington\u2019\u0131n \u201cuygarl\u0131klar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u201d inanc\u0131n\u0131 papa\u011fan gibi tekrarlayarak \u201cm\u00fcltecilerin \u00e7o\u011funun Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n insan haklar\u0131 kavramlar\u0131yla ba\u011fda\u015fmayan bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrden geldi\u011fi basit bir ger\u00e7ektir,\u201d der.[9] Bu \u00fcst d\u00fczey uzman ayn\u0131 zamanda 2016 se\u00e7imlerinde Donald Trump\u2019\u0131 ba\u015fkan aday\u0131 olarak desteklemi\u015ftir.[10] Daha yak\u0131n bir zamanda, kendisini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a k\u00f6t\u00fc \u015f\u00f6hretli sava\u015f k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 Henry Kissinger\u2019\u0131n sa\u011f\u0131nda konumland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, Kissinger\u2019\u0131 \u201cpasifizm\u201dle su\u00e7lam\u0131\u015f ve \u201cAvrupa\u2019n\u0131n birli\u011fini\u201d savunmak i\u00e7in \u201cdaha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir NATO\u2019ya ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z oldu\u011funu\u201d iddia ederek ABD\u2019nin Ukrayna\u2019daki vekalet sava\u015f\u0131na \u201ctam deste\u011fini\u201d ifade etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ba\u015f muhafazak\u00e2r ulusal g\u00fcvenlik devleti ajan\u0131 Huntington\u2019\u0131n kurucular\u0131 aras\u0131nda yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nde gelen bir dergi taraf\u0131ndan \u015fereflendirilmek, profesyonel entelekt\u00fcellere nadiren tan\u0131nan bir uluslararas\u0131 \u015f\u00f6hret seviyesine ula\u015fan bu k\u00fcresel s\u00fcperstar i\u00e7in buzda\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sadece g\u00f6r\u00fcnen k\u0131sm\u0131d\u0131r.[12] Kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen kurumlar\u0131nda itibarl\u0131 g\u00f6revlere sahip ve say\u0131s\u0131z uluslararas\u0131 etkinlikte arz\u0131 endam etmi\u015f akademik bir \u015f\u00f6hret olman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, kendisi, elinin alt\u0131nda muazzam bir medya platformunu da peki\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. En \u00f6nde gelen yay\u0131n organlar\u0131 i\u00e7in ba\u015f d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir h\u0131zla kitaplar ve makaleler yay\u0131nlamakta, bir\u00e7ok filme konu olmakta ve d\u00fczenli olarak televizyonda ve b\u00fcy\u00fck medya \u015fovlar\u0131nda yer almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu siyasi konumlan\u0131\u015flar\u0131n niteli\u011fi ve burjuva k\u00fclt\u00fcr ayg\u0131t\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan nas\u0131l sahiplenildikleri g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, s\u00f6z konusu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn emperyalist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015flar\u0131 ve ABD ulusal g\u00fcvenlik devleti taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen sa\u011fc\u0131 bir ideolog oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131labilir. Bununla beraber durum hi\u00e7 de \u00f6yle de\u011fildir; internette radikal kuram ve hatta Marksizm \u00fczerine ara\u015ft\u0131rma yapan herkesin hemen kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fabilece\u011fi bir yorumcudur kendisi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc solu temsil etti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen en g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr entelekt\u00fcellerden biridir: Slavoj \u017di\u017eek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Trump, tek bir se\u00e7men bile kaybetmeden \u201cBe\u015finci Cadde\u2019nin ortas\u0131nda durup birini vurabilece\u011fini\u201d iddia ederek ABD propaganda makinesinin g\u00fcc\u00fcne olan inanc\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmi\u015ftir.[13] Emperyalist merkezdeki sapk\u0131n ve \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6steri toplumumuzda, k\u00fcresel kuram end\u00fcstrisinin poster \u00e7ocu\u011fu i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 \u015fey ge\u00e7erlidir. \u017di\u017eek hayal edilebilecek en gerici siyasi konumlan\u0131\u015flar\u0131 alabilir, kapitalist k\u00fclt\u00fcr ayg\u0131t\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayabilir ve yine de Sol\u2019un y\u00fckselen bir entelekt\u00fceli olarak sunulabilir. Nitekim kendisi tam olarak bunu yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n E\u011fitimsizler i\u00e7in S\u00f6ylemsel Sosis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde gen\u00e7 bir felsefe \u00f6\u011frencisi olarak, bu madrabaz ve onu te\u015fvik eden sistem taraf\u0131ndan kand\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131 itiraf etmeliyim. Ben lisans \u00f6\u011frencisiyken kuram end\u00fcstrisinin Evel Knievel\u2019i gibi sahnedeki yerini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Hakk\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir \u015fey bilmedi\u011fim bir Avrupa felsefe tarihi \u00fczerine sonu gelmeyen incelemeler yerine, 19 ya\u015f\u0131nda e\u011fitimsiz bir entelekt\u00fcel \u00f6zentisine her \u015feyden bahsedebilen biri vard\u0131: Hollywood filmleri, bilim kurgu \u00f6yk\u00fcleri, t\u00fcketim toplumu, \u00e7evrimi\u00e7i k\u00fclt\u00fcr, Avrupa\u2019dan haval\u0131 kuramlar, pornografi, seks ve daha \u00e7ok seks. Okumas\u0131 sarho\u015f ediciydi, \u00f6zellikle de kapitalist ideolojik ayg\u0131t taraf\u0131ndan yanl\u0131\u015f e\u011fitilmi\u015f ve -farkl\u0131 olarak- pazarlanan bir \u015feye a\u00e7 biri i\u00e7in.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1990\u2019larda ve 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kan her kitab\u0131n\u0131 yutarcas\u0131na okudum. Ayr\u0131ca onun Paris\u2019teki entelekt\u00fcel baba fig\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn (Alain Badiou) y\u00f6netiminde doktora yaparak kendisinin izinden gittim. Ancak kendimi e\u011fitmeye devam ettik\u00e7e onun tekrarlar\u0131ndan, kuramsal y\u00fczeyselli\u011finden ve ezberci retorik hamlelerinden s\u0131k\u0131lmaya ba\u015flad\u0131m. Giderek onun k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 maskaral\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 tarihsel ve materyalist analiz i\u00e7in zay\u0131f bir taklit olarak g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flad\u0131m. Bu durum 2001 y\u0131l\u0131nda 11 Eyl\u00fcl olaylar\u0131n\u0131 Matrix\u2019in ars\u0131z Lacanc\u0131 bir yorumuyla a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda doru\u011fa ula\u015ft\u0131. Onun ate\u015fli yorumlar\u0131 peynir ekmek gibi satsa da, ABD emperyalizminin tarihi ve ulusal g\u00fcvenlik devletinin entrikalar\u0131na ili\u015fkin titiz materyalist analizlerin yan\u0131nda (\u00f6rne\u011fin Noam Chomsky\u2019nin ya da daha iyisi Michael Parenti\u2019nin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131) s\u00f6n\u00fck kal\u0131yordu.[14]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Daha sonra y\u00fcksek lisans \u00f6\u011frencisiyken Jacques Ranci\u00e8re\u2019in bir kitab\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7evirdi\u011fimde \u017di\u017eek\u2019in s\u00f6ylemsel sosisinin nas\u0131l yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek i\u00e7in e\u015fsiz bir f\u0131rsat\u0131m oldu. Ranci\u00e8re o zamanlar \u0130ngilizce konu\u015fan d\u00fcnyada pek tan\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in her bir yay\u0131nc\u0131 projeyi geri \u00e7evirdi. Aceleci bir ilk reddin ard\u0131ndan nihayet bir yay\u0131nevini projeyi de\u011ferlendirmeye ikna edebildi\u011fimde, yay\u0131nevinin sat\u0131n alma edit\u00f6r\u00fc -\u015fu anda vefat etmi\u015f durumda- bir \u015fart ko\u015ftu: K\u00e2rl\u0131 sat\u0131\u015flar\u0131 garanti alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in \u017di\u017eek gibi radikal kuramda \u00f6nemli bir pazarlama g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6ns\u00f6z\u00fc yazmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamal\u0131yd\u0131m. \u017di\u017eek kabul etti ve daha sonra bana The Ticklish Subject<\/em> (G\u0131d\u0131klanan \u00d6zne) kitab\u0131ndaki Ranci\u00e8re b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir benzerlikten fazlas\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan karmakar\u0131\u015f\u0131k bir metin g\u00f6nderdi.[15] Buna, Ranci\u00e8re\u2019in sinema \u00fczerine kitaplar\u0131ndan biri i\u00e7in baz\u0131 serbest \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131ml\u0131 gevezelikler ve \u00f6ns\u00f6z yorumlar\u0131 eklemi\u015fti, ki bu da Ranci\u00e8re\u2019in estetik \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ya da s\u00f6z konusu kitap (Le Partage du sensible: Esth\u00e9tique et politique<\/em>\u2019i \u00e7evirmi\u015ftim) hakk\u0131nda \u00e7ok az bilgi sahibi oldu\u011funu ya da hi\u00e7 bilgi sahibi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyordu. Bilimsel titizli\u011fin b\u00f6ylesine utanmazca hi\u00e7e say\u0131lmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tiksinti duydum ama o s\u0131rada herhangi bir kurumsal g\u00fc\u00e7ten ya da daha derin bir siyasi analizden yoksun oldu\u011fum i\u00e7in elimin kolumun ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011funu hissettim \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7evirimin g\u00fcn \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmesini istiyorsam kuram end\u00fcstrisinin metalar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131tmak i\u00e7in bu \u015farlatan\u0131 kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmem gerekiyordu. \u00d6ns\u00f6z\u00fc bir sons\u00f6ze d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek ve Ranci\u00e8re\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n akademik a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131yla \u00e7evreleyerek g\u00f6mmek istedim. Ancak geriye d\u00f6n\u00fcp bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131mda, projeyi durdurmam gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00fclt\u00fcrel kuram\u0131n Elvis\u2019i olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu ki\u015fiyle ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131ma d\u00f6n\u00fcp bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131mda, emperyalist merkezdeki n\u00fcfuzlu ve yanl\u0131\u015f e\u011fitimli profesyonel y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f tabakas\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak, onun maskaral\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n hedef kitlesi oldu\u011fumu g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum. 1989\u2019da Berlin Duvar\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131ld\u0131 ve \u017di\u017eek\u2019in ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck kitab\u0131 Verso\u2019dan \u0130ngilizce olarak \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: The Sublime Object of Ideology <\/em>[\u0130deolojinin Y\u00fcce Nesnesi]. \u00d6ns\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc post-Marksist, yani Marksizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 radikal demokrat Ernesto Laclau\u2019nun yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu kitap, \u017di\u017eek\u2019in Chantal Mouffe ile birlikte haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni serinin \u00f6nc\u00fc yay\u0131n\u0131 olarak sunuldu. Bu seri, sosyalizme destek sa\u011flamak yerine \u201cradikal ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir demokrasi olarak tasavvur edilen yeni bir Sol vizyon\u201d sunmak i\u00e7in, Fransa\u2019da Martin Heidegger\u2019den esinlenenler gibi \u201c\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fck kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131\u201d kuramsal e\u011filimlerden yararlanmay\u0131 ama\u00e7l\u0131yordu.[16] Bu iki radikal demokrat\u2014ki siyasi y\u00f6nelimleri, \u201cdemokrasi yanl\u0131s\u0131\u201d olarak sunulan ve sosyalist \u00fclkeleri par\u00e7alamak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan anti-kom\u00fcnist hareketlerle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyordu\u2014\u017di\u017eek\u2019in reklam\u0131n\u0131 yapmada merkezi bir rol oynad\u0131. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u0130ngilizce konu\u015fulan d\u00fcnyada sunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in onu davet ettiler ve itibarl\u0131 yay\u0131n platformlar\u0131n\u0131 ona a\u00e7t\u0131lar. \u017di\u017eek de bunu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z b\u0131rakmad\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n post-Marksist pronunciamento<\/em>\u2019su [beyanname] olan Hegemony and Socialist Strategy<\/em>\u2018yi (1985, Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji), \u201cgeleneksel Marksizm\u201din \u201ck\u00fcresel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm-devrim\u201dine kar\u015f\u0131 ortak muhalefetlerine dayanan ilk kitab\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesi olarak a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde kulland\u0131. 1991\u2019de SSCB da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131 ve Bat\u0131\u2019ya hitap eden hevesli post-Marksist kuramc\u0131 iki kitap daha yay\u0131nlad\u0131: Laclau ve Mouffe\u2019un serisinde bir ba\u015fka kitap ve bir October<\/em> kitab\u0131.[18] B\u00f6ylece, emperyalist devletler ve istihbarat servisleri taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen muhalif \u201cdemokrasi yanl\u0131s\u0131\u201d hareketler, zenginli\u011fi yukar\u0131 do\u011fru yeniden da\u011f\u0131tmak i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 agresif bir \u015fekilde geri al\u0131rken, radikal demokrasinin y\u00fckselen kuramsal dalgas\u0131n\u0131 kesin bir \u015fekilde yakalam\u0131\u015f oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sovyet tarz\u0131 sosyalizm y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131rken, bu Do\u011fu Avrupa k\u00f6kenli muhbir, kendi post-Marksizmini Marksizmin en radikal bi\u00e7imi olarak sunmaya kadar vard\u0131rd\u0131 i\u015fi. Siyah topluluklar\u0131n genellikle ger\u00e7ek m\u00fccadelelere dayanan m\u00fcziklerini kendine mal ederek, evcille\u015ftirerek ve anaak\u0131mla\u015ft\u0131rarak m\u00fczik end\u00fcstrisinde \u00fcn kazanan Elvis\u2019ten farkl\u0131 olarak \u017di\u017eek, Marksist gelenekten en \u00f6nemli i\u00e7g\u00f6r\u00fclerini \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 al\u0131p bunlar\u0131 \u00f6zlerini ezmek i\u00e7in e\u011flenceli bir postmodern k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kar\u0131\u015f\u0131ma tabi tutarak ve b\u00f6ylece neoliberal anti-kom\u00fcnist intikamc\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda kitlesel t\u00fcketim i\u00e7in metala\u015ft\u0131rarak k\u00fcresel kuram end\u00fcstrisinde bir paravan adam haline geldi. Bu ba\u011flamda, kapitalist d\u00fczenin, 1990\u2019larda bir yandan s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona \u201ctarihin sonunu\u201d kutlarken, di\u011fer yandan da, olduk\u00e7a ni\u015f bir radlib entel toplumsal tabaka i\u00e7in, (kapitalizmin \u00fcfledi\u011fi) r\u00fczgar nereden eserse o y\u00f6ne f\u0131yd\u0131ran k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 bir balon gibi \u00f6z\u00fcnden azat olmu\u015f bir Marksizm sembol\u00fcn\u00fcn reklam\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 not etmek \u00f6nemlidir. Bu balon \u017di\u017eek\u2019ti: h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f anti-kom\u00fcnizmin neoliberal \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda en tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u201cMarksist\u201d olacakt\u0131. \u201c\u00c7\u0131lg\u0131n Marksist\u201din ger\u00e7ek bir karikat\u00fcr\u00fc olan ve \u201cfelsefenin Borat\u2019\u0131\u201d m\u00fckemmel lakab\u0131yla an\u0131lan Do\u011fulu gizemli adam, Sovyet tarz\u0131 sosyalizmi yok eden alevlerin \u00fczerinde alenen mast\u00fcrbasyon yapan sapk\u0131n bir Anka ku\u015fu gibi y\u00fckseldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Diyalektik Safsata<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Y\u0131lan bal\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kaygan oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in bu kadar \u00e7ok satan, kendine radikal diyen di\u011fer bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr gibi \u017di\u017eek de anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 zor yaz\u0131m tarz\u0131 ve dengesiz davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla gurur duyuyor. Onu okurken, her sayfay\u0131 \u00e7evirdi\u011fimizde, asl\u0131nda (bir \u00f6nceki sayfada bizi inand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyin) tam tersi oldu\u011funu \u00f6\u011frendi\u011fimiz ba\u015fka bir \u201colay\u0131 kapt\u0131m!\u201d an\u0131n\u0131 beklemeye ba\u015flar\u0131z! Ger\u00e7ekte saklanamamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen saklamba\u00e7 oynamaktan asla b\u0131kmayan bir \u00e7ocuk gibi, Sloven harika \u00e7ocuk, izini kaybettirebilme ve ele avuca s\u0131\u011fmaz kalabilme umuduyla, hem her \u015feyi hem de tam tersini s\u00f6ylemek i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli feyk atar ve s\u00f6ylemsel denetimin pen\u00e7esinden kurtulur. Kendisi gibi entelekt\u00fcellerin bukalemun karakterinde i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131nda olan bariz ve tutarl\u0131 bir ideoloji oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011finden habersiz g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Bu ideolojiye oport\u00fcnizm denir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek, Abercrombie and Fitch katalo\u011fu i\u00e7in r\u00f6portaj verirken, r\u00f6portaj\u0131 yapan ki\u015fi metni yay\u0131nlamadan \u00f6nce kendisiyle payla\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015f. O da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k vermi\u015f: \u201cBuna gerek yok. Ne s\u00f6ylersem s\u00f6yleyeyim, bana z\u0131dd\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yletebilirsiniz!\u201d[19] As\u0131l amac\u0131 ad\u0131n\u0131n \u0131\u015f\u0131klar i\u00e7inde kalmas\u0131 olan bir oport\u00fcnist i\u00e7in bir \u015feyi s\u00f6ylemek, onun z\u0131dd\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek kadar iyidir. Asl\u0131nda, (ars\u0131z bir kendi reklam\u0131n\u0131 yapma hilesinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmayan bir \u00e7abaya ps\u00f6do-entelekt\u00fcel bir bahane sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in bu yorucu s\u00f6ylemsel hamleyi samimiyetsizce \u2018diyalekti\u011fe\u2019 ba\u011flayarak) zaman i\u00e7inde her ikisini de s\u00f6ylerseniz, ger\u00e7ekten s\u00f6yleyecek bir \u015feyleri<\/em> olabileceklerinkinden \u00e7alarak, daha fazla yer i\u015fgal etmi\u015f ve daha fazla zaman s\u00f6z alm\u0131\u015f olursunuz. Burjuva k\u00fclt\u00fcr ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n ona b\u00f6ylesine muazzam bir platform sa\u011flamas\u0131, ger\u00e7ekten radikal analiz bi\u00e7imlerine kar\u015f\u0131 bu t\u00fcr maskaral\u0131klar\u0131 te\u015fvik etme e\u011filimini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, onun dada diyalekti\u011finin \u00e7ok kesin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlamakta fayda var. Bildi\u011fim kadar\u0131yla onun \u015f\u00f6yle bir \u015fey s\u00f6yledi\u011fini hi\u00e7 duymad\u0131k: \u201cEgemen ideoloji s\u00fcrekli olarak ger\u00e7ekte var olan sosyalizmin son derece korkun\u00e7 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler\u2026 ama durum bunun tam tersidir<\/em>!\u201d Kerameti kendinden menkul bir Marksistin, 2010 y\u0131l\u0131 Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Haklar\u0131 Forumu taraf\u0131ndan \u201cSweatshop Hall of Shame\u201d [Terhane Utan\u00e7 Ge\u00e7idi] listesine al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olan dev bir giyim markas\u0131na g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc fahi\u015felik yaparak, kendisinin reklam\u0131n\u0131 yapan k\u00fclt\u00fcr end\u00fcstrisinin en kaba unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 neden ele\u015ftirmeden kucaklad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 merak ediyor olabiliriz. Ancak bu, k\u00fcresel kuram end\u00fcstrisi ile genel t\u00fcketici kapitalizmi end\u00fcstrisi aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131n ili\u015fkinin pek \u00e7ok ba\u015fka \u00f6rne\u011finden sadece biri. \u017di\u017eek sadece kitap satm\u0131yor; ayn\u0131 zamanda film, sanat, edebiyat, dergi, gazete, kamu g\u00f6sterileri ve A&F\u2019in CEO\u2019sunun se\u00e7kin s\u00f6zleriyle \u201chaval\u0131, yak\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131 insanlar\u201d i\u00e7in Amerikan tarz\u0131 giysiler de sat\u0131yor.[20]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bat\u0131 Yanl\u0131s\u0131, Anti-Kom\u00fcnist Muhalif<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 hemen hemen her \u015feyi ve z\u0131dd\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi\u011fi ve yeniden s\u00f6yledi\u011fi i\u00e7in, ger\u00e7ekte ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve kuramsal prati\u011finin do\u011fas\u0131na odaklanmak faydal\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. \u0130kincisini tam olarak anlamak i\u00e7in, onu ve \u00f6zel kurnazl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 entelekt\u00fcel \u00fcretimin toplumsal ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftirmek gerekir. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, kuramsal pratik derken yaln\u0131zca bir entelekt\u00fcel olarak \u00f6znel faaliyetlerini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u00e7inde faaliyet g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ve onu uluslararas\u0131 bir s\u00fcperstar haline getiren nesnel toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de kastediyorum. \u0130ddiam\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131, \u017di\u017eek\u2019in sui generis<\/em> [nevi \u015fahs\u0131na m\u00fcnhas\u0131r] bir \u00f6zne olarak feti\u015fle\u015ftirilmesinden ziyade k\u00fcresel kuram end\u00fcstrisinin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In Defense of Lost Causes<\/em> (Kaybedilmi\u015f Davalar\u0131n Savunusu Ad\u0131na) kitab\u0131n\u0131n yazar\u0131 1949 y\u0131l\u0131nda do\u011fdu ve Yugoslavya Sosyalist Federal Cumhuriyeti\u2019nde (YSFC) b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. Daha sonra, iddias\u0131n\u0131 destekleyecek anekdotlardan ba\u015fka bir kan\u0131t olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, \u201cKom\u00fcnist bir devletteki ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlukla bir\u00e7ok kapitalist devletteki ya\u015famdan daha k\u00f6t\u00fc oldu\u011funu\u201d iddia edecekti.[21] Ancak memleketi, kitleler i\u00e7in k\u0131saca hat\u0131rlamaya de\u011fer bir ya\u015fam kalitesi sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131:<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1960 ve 1980 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda [Yugoslavya], \u00fccretsiz t\u0131bbi bak\u0131m ve e\u011fitim, garantili gelir hakk\u0131, \u00fccretli bir ayl\u0131k tatil, y\u00fczde 90\u2019\u0131n \u00fczerinde okuryazarl\u0131k oran\u0131 ve yetmi\u015f iki y\u0131ll\u0131k ortalama ya\u015fam s\u00fcresinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra en y\u00fcksek b\u00fcy\u00fcme oranlar\u0131ndan birine sahipti. Yugoslavya ayr\u0131ca \u00e7ok etnikli yurtta\u015flar\u0131na, \u00e7o\u011funlukla kamuya ait, piyasa-sosyalizmine dayanan bir ekonomide uygun fiyatl\u0131 toplu ta\u015f\u0131ma, bar\u0131nma ve kamu hizmetleri sundu.[22]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Biyografi yazar\u0131 Tony Myers\u2019a g\u00f6re \u017di\u017eek memleketinin kom\u00fcnist k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden ho\u015flanm\u0131yordu. Daha b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist d\u00fcnyada ki\u015fisel toplumsal-iktisad\u00ee ilerleme i\u00e7in potansiyel f\u0131rsatlar\u0131n ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yakalayan bu sat\u0131l\u0131k gen\u00e7 entelekt\u00fcel, kendini Bat\u0131 pop k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6z\u00fcmsemeye adam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201c\u00d6\u011frenciyken,\u201d diye yaz\u0131yor Myers, \u201cresmi kom\u00fcnist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce paradigmalar\u0131ndan ziyade Frans\u0131z felsefesine ilgi duydu ve bu konuda yazd\u0131.\u201d[23] Frans\u0131z kuram\u0131 \u00fczerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcksek lisans tezi \u201csiyasi a\u00e7\u0131dan \u015f\u00fcpheli bulundu\u201d \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yine bir Sloven olan filozof arkada\u015f\u0131 Mladen Dolar\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6zleriyle, \u201cyetkililer \u017di\u017eek\u2019in karizmatik \u00f6\u011fretisinin \u00f6\u011frencileri muhalif d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle uygunsuz bir \u015fekilde etkileyebilece\u011finden endi\u015fe ediyordu.\u201d[24]<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek, ilk kitab\u0131n\u0131, Sloven anti-kom\u00fcnist muhalefetin referans ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel oldu\u011funu bizzat kendi s\u00f6yledi\u011fi Nazi Martin Heidegger \u00fczerine yazd\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra Heidegger\u2019in itibar\u0131n\u0131n iade edilmesine b\u00fcy\u00fck katk\u0131 sa\u011flayan Frans\u0131z filozof Jacques Derrida\u2019n\u0131n ilk Slovence \u00e7evirisini de yay\u0131nlad\u0131.[25] Yap\u0131s\u00f6k\u00fcm\u00fcn Frans\u0131z b\u00fcy\u00fcc\u00fcs\u00fc, \u00c7ekoslovakya\u2019da h\u00fck\u00fcmete kar\u015f\u0131 muhalif anti-kom\u00fcnist siyasi aktivizmde do\u011frudan yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. [26] Derrida ayr\u0131ca, Margaret Thatcher Vakf\u0131, A\u00e7\u0131k Toplum Fonu (Soros), Ford Vakf\u0131, Birle\u015fik Devletler Enformasyon B\u00fcrosu ve bir CIA paravan\u0131 olan National Endowment for Democracy (NED) dahil olmak \u00fczere anti-kom\u00fcnist y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 destekleme siciline sahip etkileyici bir dizi kurumsal ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet kayna\u011f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan finanse edilen Jan Hus E\u011fitim Vakf\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Fransa \u015fubesinin kurucular\u0131ndan biri olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek, ikinci doktoras\u0131n\u0131 tamamlamak i\u00e7in Paris\u2019te bir s\u00fcre kald\u0131ktan sonra 1985\u2019te YSFC\u2019ye d\u00f6nd\u00fc ve ilk olarak Frans\u0131z kuram\u0131ndan etkilenen, Bat\u0131 y\u00f6nelimli \u201cmuhalefet\u201din bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan anti-kom\u00fcnist bir muhalif olarak kamuoyunun dikkatini \u00e7ekti.[28] \u201c1980\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131nda\u201d diye yazacakt\u0131, \u201cYugoslav Sosyalist d\u00fczeninin alt\u0131n\u0131 oymakla bizzat u\u011fra\u015f\u0131yordum.\u201d[29] Kom\u00fcnist h\u00fck\u00fcmete kar\u015f\u0131 muhalif hareketin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan \u00f6nemli bir haftal\u0131k yay\u0131n olan Mladina<\/em>\u2019n\u0131n \u201cana siyasi k\u00f6\u015fe yazar\u0131yd\u0131.\u201d[30] Haftal\u0131k k\u00f6\u015fe yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 dergi, Yugoslav Kom\u00fcnist Partisi taraf\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlanan ve sosyalist Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tehdit eden kar\u015f\u0131 devrimcilerin \u00e7o\u011fald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da vurgulayan uzun ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir raporda CIA taraf\u0131ndan desteklenmekle su\u00e7land\u0131.[31] \u017di\u017eek daha sonra bir\u00e7ok kez, kom\u00fcnizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne katk\u0131da bulunan bir muhalif olarak y\u00f6neliminin tam da bu oldu\u011funu iddia etmi\u015ftir.[32] Di\u011fer \u015feylerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, 1988\u2019de kendi ifadesiyle \u201cmevcut sosyalist sistemin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131\u201d ve \u201csosyalist rejimin k\u00fcresel olarak devrilmesini\u201d talep eden D\u00f6rt San\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u0130nsan Haklar\u0131n\u0131 Koruma Komitesi\u2019nde yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[33] Bu, Ba\u015fkan Ronald Reagan\u2019\u0131n 1984 y\u0131l\u0131nda Yugoslavya ve di\u011fer Do\u011fu Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde \u201cKom\u00fcnist h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri ve partileri devirmek i\u00e7in \u2018sessiz devrimi\u2019 te\u015fvik etme \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesini\u201d savunan 133 say\u0131l\u0131 Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Karar\u0131 Direktifi (NSDD) ile m\u00fckemmel bir uyum i\u00e7indeydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek Liberal Demokrat Parti\u2019nin (LDS) kurucular\u0131 aras\u0131nda yer ald\u0131 ve partinin \u00f6nde gelen s\u00f6zc\u00fclerinden biri olarak g\u00f6rev yapt\u0131.[35] LDS, \u201c\u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fu\u201d te\u015fvik eden liberal gelene\u011fe dayan\u0131yordu ve sosyalizmin sona ermesinden sonraki ilk on y\u0131l boyunca Slovenya\u2019ya hakim olacakt\u0131.[36] \u017di\u017eek, YSFC\u2019nin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in bir kama g\u00f6revi g\u00f6ren ilk ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 cumhuriyetin d\u00f6rt ki\u015filik cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in partinin aday\u0131yd\u0131. Televizyonda yay\u0131nlanan 1990 tarihli bir tart\u0131\u015fmada \u015fu kampanya vaadinde bulundu: \u201cBa\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir \u00fcyesi olarak, devletin ideolojik reel-sosyalist ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yard\u0131mc\u0131 olabilirim.\u201d[37] \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7in zaten y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olan liberal ekonomik yeniden yap\u0131lanma siyasalar\u0131n\u0131 uygulamaya istekli oldu\u011funu ifade etti ve bu alanda bir \u201cpragmatist\u201d oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc: \u201c\u0130\u015fe yar\u0131yorsa, neden bir doz denemeyelim?\u201d[38] Ger\u00e7ekten de, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u201cplanl\u0131 \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeleri\u201d savundu ve iyi bir kapitalist ideolog gibi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015funu iddia etti: \u201cBizim durumumuzda daha fazla kapitalizm daha fazla sosyal g\u00fcvenlik anlam\u0131na gelecektir.\u201d[39] Bu, bir kez daha, Reagan\u2019\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u201cYugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n uzun vadeli i\u00e7 liberalle\u015fmesi\u201d ve \u201cpiyasa odakl\u0131 bir Yugoslav iktisad\u00ee yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n\u201d[40] te\u015fvik edilmesi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulunan NSDD 133 ile m\u00fckemmel bir uyum i\u00e7indeydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Do\u011fulu liberal ayr\u0131ca, en az\u0131ndan sosyalist y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n devam etti\u011fi k\u0131sa d\u00f6nem boyunca, anti-kom\u00fcnist filozof Karl Popper\u2019in \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k toplum\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feyi destekledi\u011fini de teyit etmi\u015fti. Zizek, A\u00e7\u0131k Toplum Vakf\u0131n\u0131n anti-kom\u00fcnist kurucusu (ve Popper\u2019in eski \u00f6\u011frencisi) George Soros\u2019un \u201ce\u011fitim, m\u00fclteciler ve kuramsal ve sosyal bilimler ruhunu canl\u0131 tutma alan\u0131nda iyi i\u015fler yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d iddia etti.\u201d[41] Popper, NATO\u2019nun YSFC\u2019ye m\u00fcdahalesini desteklemi\u015f ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, k\u00f6t\u00fc \u015f\u00f6hretli CIA paravan \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Kongresi taraf\u0131ndan te\u015fvik edilmi\u015fti. Soros, Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019daki anti-sosyalist rejim de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi operasyonlar\u0131na derin yat\u0131r\u0131mlar yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yugoslavya\u2019da \u201cA\u00e7\u0131k Toplum Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc, siyasi partilere, yay\u0131nevlerine ve \u2018ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u2019 medyaya fon sa\u011flayarak Milosevi\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 muhalefetin kasas\u0131na 100 milyon dolardan fazla para aktard\u0131.\u201d[42] Dahas\u0131 Soros vakf\u0131n\u0131n anti-kom\u00fcnist \u00f6rg\u00fctlere ve faaliyetlere sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 c\u00f6mert fonlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u201cSovyet sisteminin da\u011f\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ciddi pay sahibi oldu\u011funu\u201d a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a itiraf etmi\u015fti.[43]<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek ba\u015fkanl\u0131k yar\u0131\u015f\u0131nda k\u0131l pay\u0131 yenilmi\u015f olsa da, sosyalizm sonras\u0131 yeni kurulan cumhuriyette Bilim B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi olarak g\u00f6rev yapt\u0131 ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re h\u00fck\u00fcmete gayr\u0131 resmi tavsiyelerde bulunmaya devam ediyor. [Ger\u00e7ekten de, \u201c1990\u2019larda kapitalizmin restorasyonundan sonra Sloven devletine a\u00e7\u0131k deste\u011fini\u201d ifade etti ve anti-kom\u00fcnist liberalizmine sad\u0131k kald\u0131: \u201cNeredeyse t\u00fcm arkada\u015flar\u0131m\u0131 kaybetti\u011fim bir \u015fey yapt\u0131m, hi\u00e7bir iyi solcunun yapmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u015fey: Slovenya\u2019daki iktidar partisini tamamen destekledim.\u201d[45] LDS, bir sermaye partisi olarak kamusal te\u015febb\u00fcsleri \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme pe\u015finde ko\u015ftu. Bu, IMF ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sanayi sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc yok eden, refah devletini par\u00e7alayan, reel \u00fccretlerin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc te\u015fvik eden ve i\u015f\u00e7ileri korkun\u00e7 bir h\u0131zla i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131karan ac\u0131mas\u0131z iktisad\u00ee kar\u015f\u0131-reformlar\u0131 uygulamaya koydu\u011fu bir ba\u011flamda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti (1989\u2019da yakla\u015f\u0131k 2,7 milyonluk toplam sanayi i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcnden 614.000\u2019i i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u017di\u017eek\u2019in a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a destekledi\u011fi \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme yanl\u0131s\u0131 parti, \u201cd\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun geni\u015f kesimleri i\u00e7in ya\u015fam standartlar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015flerin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d bir d\u00f6nemde, emperyalist kamp\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck orta\u011f\u0131 olmaya da hevesliydi. \u201cAvrupa Birli\u011fi (AB) ve Kuzey Atlantik Antla\u015fmas\u0131 \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019ne (NATO) kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen savunucusuydu.\u201d[47] Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 1990\u2019larda ba\u015flad\u0131 ve Slovenya resmi olarak 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda AB\u2019ye, ertesi y\u0131l da NATO\u2019ya kat\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n O halde, bu giri\u015fimci entelekt\u00fcelin sosyalist oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 sivil toplumdan yana ve devlete kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu ama kapitalist oldu\u011funda (ve kapitalist ve emperyalist ulusa\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlere \u00fcye olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda) gururla sivil topluma kar\u015f\u0131 ve devletten yana oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmamal\u0131y\u0131z.[49] Ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k kampanyas\u0131nda, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131nda anti-sosyalist bir tasfiyeyi savunmu\u015f ve \u201c\u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, siyasi polis vb.\u201d konusunda \u00e7ok kat\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u201cs\u0131f\u0131rdan ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d eklemi\u015ftir.[50] T\u00fcm sosyalist unsurlar\u0131n tamamen tasfiye edilece\u011fi bir istihbarat servisinin geli\u015ftirilmesini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a savunarak, CIA\u2019in ilk ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 cumhuriyetteki \u0131slak r\u00fcyas\u0131 olarak yorumlanabilecek \u015feyi duyurdu (bu da, genellikle yerel anti-sosyalist siyasi partiler, istihbarat te\u015fkilatlar\u0131, yay\u0131n organlar\u0131 ve entelekt\u00fcellerle el ele \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131ndaki sosyalist h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin devrilmesinde bu kadar merkezi bir rol oynayan te\u015fkilatla olan kesin ili\u015fkisi hakk\u0131nda ciddi sorular do\u011furuyor): \u201cOrada [i\u00e7i\u015fleri bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve siyasi polisle ilgili olarak] bir kesinti yapaca\u011f\u0131m. \u015eimdi g\u00fcnahk\u00e2rca bir \u015fey s\u00f6yleyece\u011fim. Bence bu \u00e7alkant\u0131l\u0131 zamanlarda Slovenya\u2019n\u0131n bir istihbarat servisine ihtiyac\u0131 olacak \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu egemenlik sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda istikrar\u0131 bozmaya y\u00f6nelik eylemler olacak. Ama bu servisin mevcut i\u00e7i\u015fleri y\u00f6netimiyle [yani sosyalist y\u00f6netimle] herhangi bir s\u00fcreklili\u011fi payla\u015fmamas\u0131 \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nemli. Burada bir kesintiyi savunuyorum.\u201d[51] Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bu dalkavu\u011funa g\u00f6re kom\u00fcnistler kendisinden nefret etmektedir. Ku\u015fkusuz onun, i\u015f\u00e7i kitleleri pahas\u0131na kariyerini -ve ac\u0131mas\u0131z \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme planlar\u0131n\u0131 ve emperyalist yay\u0131lmay\u0131- ilerletmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok tehlikeli bir oyun oynayan bir oport\u00fcnist oldu\u011funun fark\u0131ndalar. Lacanc\u0131 \u015fakac\u0131 Slovenya\u2019da nas\u0131l g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hakk\u0131nda \u201cBen daha ziyade karanl\u0131k, u\u011fursuz, entrikac\u0131 bir siyasi manip\u00fclat\u00f6r olarak alg\u0131lan\u0131yorum,\u201d diye yaz\u0131yor, \u201cbu rol benim \u00e7ok ho\u015fuma gidiyor ve \u00e7ok seviyorum.\u201d[52]<\/p>\n\n\n\n YSFC\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeninin etnik nefret oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki Bat\u0131 propagandas\u0131 s\u00f6ylemine kar\u015f\u0131 hafif bir geri ad\u0131m atm\u0131\u015f olsa da, bu duru\u015funun gerek\u00e7esi, di\u011fer siyasi pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funda oldu\u011fu gibi, Ruder & Finn gibi kapitalizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 halkla ili\u015fkiler firmalar\u0131 ve CIA\u2019n\u0131n medya uzant\u0131lar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen propagandayla m\u00fckemmel bir \u015fekilde \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir. \u201cNATO, Tanr\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Sol Eli\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir metinde a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015funu iddia etmi\u015ftir: \u201cSava\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flatan etnik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma de\u011fil, yaln\u0131zca S\u0131rp sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131.\u201d[53] Hat\u0131rlatmakta fayda var, S\u0131rplar \u201cdi\u011fer uluslardan oransal olarak daha y\u00fcksek oranda kom\u00fcnist parti \u00fcyeli\u011fine sahipti.\u201d[54] \u017di\u017eek b\u00f6ylece, bas\u0131n dan\u0131\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n YSFC i\u00e7in \u201ciyi adamlar ve k\u00f6t\u00fc adamlardan olu\u015fan basit bir \u00f6yk\u00fc\u201d in\u015fa edebilmesiyle \u00f6v\u00fcnen Ruder & Finn\u2019in direkt\u00f6r\u00fc James Harff taraf\u0131ndan ortaya konan pozisyonu papa\u011fan gibi tekrarl\u0131yordu.[55] Do\u011fulu liberal, onlarca y\u0131ld\u0131r i\u015fleyen \u00e7ok etnikli bir devleti y\u00f6neten kom\u00fcnistleri, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve \u201culusal davaya zorunlu ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d \u00fcretmekle su\u00e7lamaya bile kalk\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[56] Ayr\u0131ca Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sosyalist Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019i \u015feytanla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 liberal at nal\u0131 kuram\u0131na s\u0131\u011f\u0131narak benimsedi ve Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019in \u201cfa\u015fizm ve Stalinizmin ak\u0131l almaz bir bile\u015fimini sentezlemeyi ba\u015fard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d iddia etti.[57] Ancak, sosyalistler taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan hatalar ya da yanl\u0131\u015flar ne olursa olsun, Michael Parenti\u2019nin konuyla ilgili ger\u00e7eklere dayal\u0131 bir kitapta a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, i\u015fin ger\u00e7e\u011fi \u015fudur: \u201cBat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmaya, ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctleri finanse etmeye ve siyasi \u00e7eki\u015fmeyi ate\u015fleyen siyasi-iktisad\u00ee krizi yaratmaya ba\u015flayana kadar i\u00e7 sava\u015f, yayg\u0131n cinayetler ve etnik temizlik yoktu.\u201d[58]<\/p>\n\n\n\n NATO\u2019nun savunmas\u0131z sivil n\u00fcfusa ve sosyalist altyap\u0131ya y\u00f6nelik, ger\u00e7ek hedefi \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnyal\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma\u201d ve b\u00f6lgede sosyalizmden geriye kalanlar\u0131 da terk etmeyi reddeden tek \u00fclkeyi etkin bir \u015fekilde s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirmek olan, kendinden menkul insani bombard\u0131manlar\u0131 konusunda kapitalizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 tutum neredeydi peki? Kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc \u00e7ocuk\u00e7a provokasyon i\u015ftah\u0131yla \u015fu k\u00fcstah\u00e7a iddialarda bulunacakt\u0131: \u201cYani, tam olarak bir Solcu olarak, \u2018Bombalamak m\u0131, bombalamamak m\u0131\u2019 ikilemine cevab\u0131m \u015fudur: YETER\u0130NCE bomba at\u0131lmad\u0131 ve GE\u00c7 kal\u0131nd\u0131.\u201d[59] Sivillerin yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131 kitlesel katliam\u0131n\u0131n daha da yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bu ars\u0131z onay\u0131 internette dola\u015fan bir taslakta yapm\u0131\u015f ve yay\u0131nlanan son versiyonda bu \u00f6zel ifadeyi metinden \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f olsa da, di\u011fer r\u00f6portajlar\u0131nda bu konuda \u00e7ok net oldu\u011funu not etmeliyiz: \u00d6rne\u011fin bir tanesinde \u201cBen her zaman Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n askeri m\u00fcdahalesinden yana oldum,\u201d demi\u015ftir.[60]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Daha sonraki kariyerinde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr kamusal entelekt\u00fcellerinden biri olarak, defalarca fiilen var olan sosyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc pozisyonlar alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re K\u00fcba, gelecek i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir umut vermeyen ve ihtiyatl\u0131 bir deste\u011fi bile hak etmeyen \u201cge\u00e7mi\u015fin nostaljik at\u0131l bir kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131\u201dndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.[61] Kapitalist propagandayla m\u00fckemmel bir uyum i\u00e7inde, \u00c7in\u2019i varolu\u015fsal bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6stermekte ve \u00c7in\u2019in kom\u00fcnist lideri \u015ei Cinping\u2019i Trump, Putin, Modi ve Erdo\u011fan\u2019la ayn\u0131 yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f \u00e7etede yer alan otoriter bir kapitalist olarak tan\u0131mlamaktan \u00e7ekinmemektedir.[62] Onu okurken, radikal m\u0131r\u0131ldanmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Margaret Thatcher\u2019\u0131n me\u015fhur neoliberal mantras\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 olduk\u00e7a a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: TINA-[There Is No Alternative<\/em>] Alternatif Yok. Asl\u0131nda kendisi de d\u00fczenli olarak bunu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: \u201c\u0130kna edici herhangi bir radikal sol alternatif varsa da ben g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f de\u011filim\u201d ve \u201csosyalist bir devrime ya da her neyse ona dair umudum yok.\u201d[63] Yukar\u0131da bahsedilen 1990 ba\u015fkanl\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, kapitalizmin \u201ct\u00fcm sistemlerin en k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc\u201d oldu\u011funu ama \u201cdaha iyi olacak ba\u015fka bir sistemimiz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d[64] iddia ederek Winston Churchill\u2019in -s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci kasapl\u0131\u011f\u0131n inat\u00e7\u0131 savunuculu\u011funu yaparak onu \u201cBritanya emperyalist yelpazesinin en ac\u0131mas\u0131z ve vah\u015fi ucuna\u201d yerle\u015ftiren- g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a benimsemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ayn\u0131 zamanda, Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019ne (ABD ulusal g\u00fcvenlik devleti taraf\u0131ndan kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 bir siper olarak desteklenen uzun s\u00fcredir devam eden kapitalist bir proje) ve NATO\u2019nun baz\u0131 ac\u0131mas\u0131z askeri m\u00fcdahaleleri de dahil olmak \u00fczere Bat\u0131 emperyalizminin belirli eylemlerine (\u00f6zellikle de Avrupa\u2019da ya da yak\u0131nlar\u0131ndakilere) deste\u011fini ifade etmek i\u00e7in kamusal tart\u0131\u015fmalara d\u00fczenli olarak m\u00fcdahale etti.[65] Ona g\u00f6re insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n gelece\u011fine dair b\u00fcy\u00fck fikri, emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadeleler y\u00fcr\u00fcten K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019deki sosyalist devletlerde bulamay\u0131z. Bunun yerine s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin ve emperyalizmin tarihi merkez \u00fcss\u00fcne bakmam\u0131z gerekir. \u201cBug\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u00fcresel kapitalist d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda,\u201d diye yazar, \u201cbu [Avrupa fikri], ulusal egemenli\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlama yetkisine ve ekolojik ve toplumsal refah i\u00e7in asgari normlar\u0131 garanti etme g\u00f6revine sahip ulusa\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn tek modelini sunuyor. Bu fikirde do\u011frudan Avrupa ayd\u0131nlanmas\u0131n\u0131n en iyi geleneklerinden gelen bir \u015fey var.\u201d[66] Nitekim onun Avrupa yay\u0131lmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayal\u0131 [Euro-diffusionist<\/em>] tarih anlat\u0131s\u0131na g\u00f6re, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya\u2019daki s\u00f6m\u00fcrge kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerin bizzat kendisi, \u017di\u017eek\u2019in Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya\u2019ya uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c\u015fiddet ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc \u00f6zele\u015ftiriye tabi tutmas\u0131\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey de dahil olmak \u00fczere, s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona Bat\u0131\u2019dan ithal kavramlara dayanmaktad\u0131r.[67] Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n d\u00fcnya geli\u015fiminin do\u011fal lideri oldu\u011funa derinden inanan bir sosyal \u015fovenist olarak, Bruno Latour\u2019un \u201cbizi sadece Avrupa kurtarabilir\u201d \u015feklindeki gerici iddias\u0131na bile kat\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.[68]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kom\u00fcnist Cosplay<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00c7.N Cosplay<\/strong> ki\u015filerin sevdikleri animasyon, manga, \u00e7izgi film, bilgisayar oyunu gibi kurgusal karakterlerin kost\u00fcmlerini giyerek, s\u00f6z konusu karakterin rol\u00fcne b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f halde e\u011flenmeleridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek\u2019in sosyalizmin kapitalizm lehine y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sald\u0131rgan bir \u015fekilde destekleyen Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir anti-kom\u00fcnist olarak pratikteki a\u00e7\u0131k siyasi y\u00f6nelimine ra\u011fmen, bu kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc eksantrik, kendisinin bir kom\u00fcnist oldu\u011funu iddia etmekten asla yorulmaz. Hatta kendisini Do\u011fu\u2019dan gelen \u201ckirli kom\u00fcnist\u201d olarak sunarak tabiri caizse rol\u00fcn\u00fcn hakk\u0131n\u0131 vermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Zorunlu sakal ve da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcne ek olarak, muhataplar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kavgac\u0131 bir \u015fekilde konu\u015fur, sanki s\u00f6z\u00fcmona-entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7enesi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn modas\u0131 ge\u00e7iyormu\u015f gibi, sonsuz pislik sol provokasyon kusar. Burjuvalar\u0131 etkilemek i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ek bir performans g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek neoliberal kapitalizmin saray soytar\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Marksist-s\u0131fat\u0131nda-antisosyal-fanatik fig\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc taklit ederek, ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyadaki sosyalizm projesini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeyi te\u015fvik ederken, pop k\u00fclt\u00fcr potpurisi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Bat\u0131 t\u00fcketim toplumunun mallar\u0131n\u0131 pazarlar. Bu k\u00fcstah korkun\u00e7 \u00e7ocuk taraf\u0131ndan sergilenen histerik g\u00f6steri -asla unutmamal\u0131y\u0131z ki- kapitalist sahnede sergilenmektedir. D\u00fczenbaz sadece bir tetik\u00e7idir ve neoliberalizmin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n manidar bir semptomudur. \u015eakac\u0131y\u0131 bir s\u00fcperstar haline getiren kapitalist sarayd\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc rol\u00fcn\u00fc \u00e7ok iyi oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcm iyi soytar\u0131lar gibi, saray adab\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 zorlar ve histerik bir ele\u015ftiri g\u00f6sterisinde en \u00e7irkin \u015feyleri s\u00f6ylerken, nihayetinde kuklac\u0131 efendisine (kral sermaye) sadakatini g\u00f6stererek en \u00f6nemli \u00e7izgiyi takip eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu palya\u00e7o, provokatif rol\u00fcn\u00fc inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde oynamak i\u00e7in sadece Marksist oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemekle kalmaz, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir Leninist oldu\u011funda da \u0131srar eder. Rutininin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan ve bu nedenle \u00e7ok say\u0131da metinde tekrarlanan sa\u00e7ma sapan at\u0131p tutmalar\u0131ndan birine kulak verelim: \u201cBen bir Leninistim. Lenin ellerini kirletmekten korkmazd\u0131. [\u2026] G\u00fcc\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011finizde (ba\u015farabilirseniz), ona sar\u0131l\u0131n. M\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan her \u015feyi yap\u0131n.\u201d[69]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu kom\u00fcnist cosplay tasviri, Leninizmin tamamen kirli oynamak ve ac\u0131mas\u0131zca iktidar pe\u015finde ko\u015fmakla ilgili oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek anlam\u0131na gelir. Lenin\u2019in ve daha genel olarak Marksizm-Leninizmin b\u00f6ylesine samimiyetsiz bir temsili, uzun bir ideolojik tarihle m\u00fckemmel bir uyum i\u00e7indedir. \u0130talyan liberal ve fa\u015fist sempatizan\u0131 Benedetto Croce de Marx i\u00e7in ayn\u0131 \u015feyi s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti: Marx proletaryan\u0131n Machiavelli\u2019siydi \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc iktidar\u0131 ilk s\u0131raya koyuyor ve iktidar\u0131 ac\u0131mas\u0131zca ele ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu.[70] Leninizmin kaba iktidar siyasetiyle benzer bir \u015fekilde birle\u015ftirilmesine dayanan Steve Bannon da \u017di\u017eek\u2019e benzer \u015fekilde kendini \u201cLeninist\u201d ilan etmi\u015ftir.[71] Neo-Nazi lider Richard Spencer\u2019\u0131n \u015fu c\u00fcmleyi kurmas\u0131n\u0131n bir\u00e7ok nedeninden biri de muhtemelen budur: \u201cSlavoj \u017di\u017eek benim en sevdi\u011fim solcudur. Alternatif Sa\u011f\u2019a bir milyon ABD\u2019li muhafazak\u00e2r ahmaktan daha fazla \u00f6\u011fretecek \u015feyi var.\u201d[72]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Soytar\u0131n\u0131n her zaman her konuda s\u00f6yleyecek daha \u00e7ok \u015feyi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, yukar\u0131da al\u0131nt\u0131lanan iddiay\u0131 ortaya att\u0131\u011f\u0131 2009 y\u0131l\u0131nda Leninist olman\u0131n ne anlama geldi\u011fini bir de ondan dinleyelim: \u201cBen bir Leninistim. [\u2026] Obama\u2019y\u0131 bu y\u00fczden destekledim.\u201d[73] Bu onun t\u00fcm zamanlardaki en iyi esprilerinden biridir. Duygular\u0131ndan ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ger\u00e7ekten bunu kastetmektedir. Leninizmi, ABD emperyal makinesinin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131nda vites artt\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 (ki Obama\u2019n\u0131n kendi d\u00f6neminde hayata ge\u00e7irilen suikast program\u0131na dair \u201cadam \u00f6ld\u00fcrme konusunda hakikaten \u00e7ok iyi\u201d \u015feklindeki menfur beyanat\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur) ten rengi ile gizleyen, ABD\u2019nin S\u0131n\u0131rd\u0131\u015f\u0131-Etme-\u015eampiyonu neoliberal ba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131 desteklemekle resmen e\u015fit g\u00f6rmektedir. [74] Ger\u00e7i \u017di\u017eek, eski Ba\u015fkan\u2019\u0131n sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerine y\u00f6nelik s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona devrimci yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 (yani Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Mitt Romney\u2019nin plan\u0131n\u0131 model alan zorunlu \u00f6zel sigorta) \u00f6zellikle \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r: \u201cBence \u015fu anda sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetleri konusunda verdi\u011fi sava\u015f son derece \u00f6nemli \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc iktidar ideolojisinin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc ilgilendiriyor.\u201d[75] Hat\u0131rlanaca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere Obama, sosyalist k\u00f6kleri olan evrensel bir kapsama sistemi olan tek katmanl\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerine ili\u015fkin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 reddetmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u017di\u017eek gibi idealist bir serseri oldu\u011funuzda, Leninizm sadece bir s\u00f6zc\u00fck, \u00fczerinde oynayabilece\u011finiz, onu sadece bir dekor ya da hile olarak kullanabilece\u011finiz y\u00fczergezer bir g\u00f6stergedir. Bu, Repeating Lenin<\/em> (Lenin 2017 Hat\u0131rlamak, Tekrarlamak ve Kafa Yormak) <\/em>adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda ac\u0131 verici bir \u015fekilde a\u015fik\u00e2rd\u0131r. Kitab\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n naif ve deneyimsiz ki\u015filere d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcrebilece\u011fi \u015feyin aksine, \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201cLenin\u2019i tekrar etmemekten bahsederken laf\u0131ma dikkat ediyorum. Aptal de\u011filim. Bug\u00fcn Leninist i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partisine d\u00f6nmek hi\u00e7bir \u015fey ifade etmez.\u201d[76] Lenin\u2019de sevdi\u011fi \u015fey, \u201ctam da insanlar\u0131 onun hakk\u0131nda korkutan \u015feydir -t\u00fcm \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rakma konusundaki ac\u0131mas\u0131z irade. Niye \u015fiddete hay\u0131r? Kula\u011fa korkun\u00e7 gelse de, bence t\u00fcm o aseptik, sinir bozucu, siyaseten do\u011frucu pasifizme kar\u015f\u0131 faydal\u0131 bir panzehir.\u201d[77] Sloven Lacanc\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tekrarlamak zorunda hissetti\u011fi \u015fey bu dizginlenemez \u00f6l\u00fcm d\u00fcrt\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u201cLenin\u2019i TEKRARLAMAK\u201d diye yaz\u0131yor soytar\u0131 tipografisiyle, \u201cLenin\u2019e D\u00d6N\u00dc\u015e anlam\u0131na GELMEZ -Lenin\u2019i tekrarlamak \u2018Lenin\u2019in \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019, onun \u00f6zel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu\u011funu, hatta korkun\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu\u011funu ama i\u00e7inde kurtar\u0131lmaya de\u011fer \u00fctopik bir k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m oldu\u011funu kabul etmektir. [\u2026] Lenin\u2019i tekrarlamak, Lenin\u2019in YAPTIKLARINI de\u011fil, YAPAMADIKLARINI, KA\u00c7IRDI\u011eI f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 tekrarlamakt\u0131r.\u201d[78] En g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr \u201cLeninist\u201din tekrarlamaktan asla b\u0131kmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, kom\u00fcnizm deh\u015fet verici bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k olmu\u015ftur ve hala \u00f6yledir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bunu tekrarlama zorunlulu\u011fu, en iyi, bu gibi ba\u011flamlarda d\u00fczenli olarak al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir Beckett dizesiyle anla\u015f\u0131labilir: \u201cTekrar dene. Tekrar ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z ol. Daha iyi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z ol.\u201d Kaybedilmi\u015f bir davas\u0131 olan bu isyanc\u0131ya g\u00f6re gelece\u011fin saklad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey, bu nedenle daha fazla ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131ktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir: \u201cKom\u00fcnizmin kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n olanaks\u0131z oldu\u011fu [\u2026], yani bu anlamda Kom\u00fcnizmin kaybedilmi\u015f bir dava oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini kabul etmek zorunday\u0131z.\u201d[79]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Soytar\u0131n\u0131n kom\u00fcnist cosplay\u2019inin son getirisi, elde martini i\u00e7ki k\u0131k\u0131rdayan s\u00fcper zenginlerin onu reklamlar\u0131na metin yazmaya davet etmesidir. Bu arada, baz\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenciler ve profesyonel y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f tabakas\u0131 \u00fcyeleri, belki Marksizm hakk\u0131nda bir \u015feyler \u00f6\u011freneceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnerek onun pop felsefesini kap\u0131\u015f kap\u0131\u015f sat\u0131n almaktad\u0131r. Ama bunun yerine, Hollywood\u2019un gi\u015fe rekorlar\u0131 k\u0131ran filmlerinin, TV \u015fovlar\u0131n\u0131n, bilim kurgu romanlar\u0131n\u0131n ve k\u00fcresel kuram end\u00fcstrisinin \u00e7e\u015fitli t\u00fcketici \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin reklam\u0131n\u0131 yaparken Marksizmin ne kadar sa\u00e7ma oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren kuramsal bir sihirli hal\u0131 yolculu\u011funa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Burjuvazinin Gizli Cazibesi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Badiou gibi \u017di\u017eek de tarihsel materyalist de\u011fildir.[80] Bu filozoflar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri kapitalizmin ve d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketinin somut, maddi tarihinin titiz bir analizine giri\u015fmez ve burjuva k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcstyap\u0131sal unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00fcr\u00fcnlerini tart\u0131\u015fmak u\u011fruna ciddi ekonomi politikten ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131rlar. Her ikisi de fikirlere ve s\u00f6ylemlere ayr\u0131cal\u0131k tan\u0131yan idealist bir felsefi yakla\u015f\u0131ma a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a d\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcnd\u00fcr ve bat\u0131l inan\u00e7lara kar\u015f\u0131 anti-bilimsel bir inanc\u0131 savunan metafizik\u00e7ilerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kendilerine \u00f6zg\u00fc s\u00f6zc\u00fck da\u011farc\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131r ve teorik pratiklerini k\u00fclt\u00fcrel meta feti\u015fizminin ideolojik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda incelersek, kendilerine \u00f6zg\u00fc idealizm versiyonlar\u0131 en iyi \u2018a\u015fk\u0131n idealizm\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir. (B\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Jacques Lacan ve G.W.F. Hegel\u2019inki gibi Marksist olmayan s\u00f6ylemlerin ki\u015fisel yorumlar\u0131na dayanan) markala\u015fm\u0131\u015f kavramsal \u00e7er\u00e7evelerini ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin a\u015fk\u0131n yap\u0131s\u0131 olarak sunarlar. Ard\u0131ndan, \u00f6nceden olu\u015fturulmu\u015f bu teorik modeli do\u011frulad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia ettikleri belirli ampirik unsurlar\u0131 (g\u00fcncel bir olay, bir metin, bir Hollywood filmi, bir \u015feker ambalaj\u0131, bir m\u0131s\u0131r gevre\u011fi kutusunun arkas\u0131, bir Starbucks barda\u011f\u0131, bir porno sitesi veya \u00f6zellikle \u017di\u017eek s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda kelimenin tam anlam\u0131yla ba\u015fka herhangi bir \u015fey) se\u00e7erler ve b\u00f6ylece bunun do\u011frulu\u011funun kan\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131lsamas\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131rlar. Bununla birlikte, b\u00f6yle bir iddia hi\u00e7bir zaman titiz bir \u015fekilde toplu olarak test edilemez, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc hangi ampirik verilerin teorik varsay\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 destekledi\u011fine (ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla hangi bilgilerin g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilebilece\u011fine) karar vermek bu iki laf cambaz\u0131n\u0131n kaprislerine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu, kom\u00fcnizme yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. \u201cKom\u00fcnizmin \u015feylerin mevcut durumunu ortadan kald\u0131ran [aufhebt<\/em>] ger\u00e7ek hareket\u201d oldu\u011funu savunan Marx ve Engels\u2019in aksine, kom\u00fcnizmin bir \u201c\u0130dea\u201d ve bir \u201carzu\u201d nesnesi oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmektedirler.[81] Ayn\u0131 zamanda, ger\u00e7ek kom\u00fcnizm hareketini s\u00f6zde kana susam\u0131\u015f ter\u00f6rizm, \u015fiddet yanl\u0131s\u0131 diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ve soyk\u0131r\u0131mla su\u00e7layarak (bu t\u00fcr iddialar i\u00e7in belge sunma ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 umursamadan ya da sadece gerici anti-kom\u00fcnistlerin veya ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve A\u00e7\u0131k Toplum taraf\u0131ndan finanse edilen kaynaklar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u2018kan\u0131t\u2019 olarak \u00f6ne s\u00fcrerek), kapitalist propaganda \u00e7izgisiyle d\u00fczenli olarak hizaya girerler. Bazen i\u015faret ettikleri olas\u0131 istisnalar, en az\u0131ndan onlar\u0131n yorumlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekliyle, genellikle anar\u015fist olarak tan\u0131mlansa daha iyi olur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sosyalist \u00fclkelere kar\u015f\u0131 olanlar da dahil olmak \u00fczere (A. Badiou\u2019nun Anti-devlet \u00c7in K\u00fclt\u00fcr Devrimi yorumunda oldu\u011fu gibi) devlet ve parti kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 isyan anlar\u0131n\u0131 kutlama e\u011filimindedirler.[83] Bu arada da, fiilen var olan sosyalizmi destekleyenler, kapitalist ideolojiye kap\u0131lanlardan farkl\u0131 olmayan hayali bir d\u00fcnyaya hapsolmu\u015f ideolojik ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcler veya ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir d\u00f6nemin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 olarak sunulur. \u00c7ok be\u011fenilen The Idea of Communism<\/em> (Kom\u00fcnizm \u0130deas\u0131) kitab\u0131n\u0131n giri\u015finde, bize \u015f\u00f6yle s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar: \u201c\u2018Fiilen var olan sosyalizm\u2019 ile hizalanan sol ortadan kayboldu ya da tarihsel bir meraka d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u201d 84]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu kitap Verso taraf\u0131ndan 2010 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131nland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin \u00fcye say\u0131s\u0131 80 milyon civar\u0131ndayd\u0131 ve bu say\u0131 Fransa ve Slovenya\u2019n\u0131n toplam n\u00fcfusunu yakla\u015f\u0131k 16 milyon ki\u015fi a\u015f\u0131yordu. O halde, bu sosyal \u015fovenistler d\u00fcnyan\u0131n mevcut durumu hakk\u0131ndaki bilgilerini nereden al\u0131yorlar diye merak ediyor olabiliriz. Bu idealist filozoflar i\u00e7in cevap utan\u00e7 verici derecede basittir: Jacques Lacan\u2019dan ve Louis Althusser\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndaki Lacanc\u0131 unsurlardan. Althusser, \u00fcnl\u00fc interpellation<\/em> sahnesinde ideolojinin yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 bir tasvirini yaratmak i\u00e7in Lacan\u2019\u0131n ayna evresinden ve \u2018imgesel\u2019 kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131ndan yararlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[85] Althusser\u2019in daha \u00f6nceki kendi analiziyle \u00e7eli\u015fen bir pasajda iddia etti\u011fi gibi, bir birey, kendisini sokakta bir polis memuru taraf\u0131ndan seslenilen (interpell\u00e9<\/em>) ki\u015fi olarak kabul etti\u011finde, ideolojik bir \u00f6zne haline gelir, yani birey, \u00f6teki taraf\u0131ndan ortaya konan imgeyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ferek mevcut sembolik d\u00fczendeki yerini al\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bununla birlikte, Lacan\u2019\u0131n yedinci seminerinde ki\u015finin arzusundan \u00f6d\u00fcn vermeme zorunlulu\u011funun (ne pas c\u00e9der sur son d\u00e9sir<\/em>) pe\u015finden gitmesi olarak bahsetti\u011fi ve \u017di\u017eek\u2019in \u2018etik eylem\u2019 olarak teorize etti\u011fi ba\u015fka bir olas\u0131l\u0131k daha vard\u0131r. Badiou\u2019ya g\u00f6re, sembolik d\u00fczen i\u00e7indeki toplumsal \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileriyle hayali bir ili\u015fkiye hapsolmu\u015f ideolojik bir \u00f6zne olarak kalmaktansa, (ayn\u0131 zamanda Ger\u00e7ek \u201cSembolik olan\u0131n eksik Nedeni\u201d oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u201csembolik formun ta kendisinde i\u00e7erilirken\u201d) sembolik d\u00fczene direnen je ne sais quoi<\/em> olan Ger\u00e7ek\u2019in pe\u015finden korkusuzca giderek bir \u00d6zne olunabilir.[86] Lacan\u2019\u0131n objet petit<\/em> a dedi\u011fi arzunun nesne-neden\u2019i, \u017di\u017eek\u2019in deyi\u015fiyle \u201cyarat\u0131c\u0131 sembolik kurgu taraf\u0131ndan doldurulan [Ger\u00e7ek\u2019in] bo\u015flu\u011fudur.\u201d[87] Tam da imk\u00e2ns\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle onu arzulamam\u0131z anlam\u0131nda jouissance<\/em>\u2018\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirir: Ger\u00e7ek asla sembolik d\u00fczene sorunsuzca entegre edilemez ya da Lacan\u2019\u0131n \u2018ger\u00e7eklik\u2019 dedi\u011fi \u015feye basit\u00e7e terc\u00fcme edilemez. [88]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Badiou da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k \u017di\u017eek\u2019ten daha sistematik ve titiz oldu\u011fundan ve \u017di\u017eek ya\u015fayan bir Platon olarak bahsetti\u011fi idealistten bolca \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, Badiou\u2019nun \u201c Kom\u00fcnizm \u0130deas\u0131\u201d Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn temel Lacanc\u0131 niteli\u011fini hat\u0131rlamakta fayda var: \u201cKom\u00fcnist \u0130dea, bireysel \u00f6znele\u015fmenin politik ger\u00e7e\u011fin bir par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 Tarihin sembolik anlat\u0131m\u0131na yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayali bir operasyondur.\u201d[89] Biraz daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir dille ifade edecek olursak, bu \u015fu anlama gelir: Kom\u00fcnizm \u0130deas\u0131, bir bireyin ideolojik olarak (hayali olan) kendini, verili bir tarihsel durum (sembolik olan) i\u00e7inde sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 izlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz bir politik olaya (Ger\u00e7ek olan) -Badiou i\u00e7in May\u0131s 1968 gibi- adad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir operasyondur. Frans\u0131z metafizik\u00e7iye g\u00f6re bu ger\u00e7ekte (r\u00e9ellement<\/em>) yap\u0131lamaz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Event qua Real<\/em> (ger\u00e7ek olan olay), \u2018Tarih\u2019 ve \u2018Devlet\u2019in sembolik alan\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 inat\u00e7\u0131d\u0131r; bu sadece bireysel \u00d6zne taraf\u0131ndan hayali olarak (imaginairement<\/em>) yap\u0131labilir.[90] Alain Badiou’nun “kom\u00fcnist” kelimesinin ger\u00e7ek bir parti veya devleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in bir s\u0131fat olarak kullan\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kesin bir \u015fekilde ilan etmesinin nedenlerinden biri budur.[91] Alain Badiou’ya g\u00f6re, kolektif \u00f6zlemler ve deh\u015fetlerle dolu 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l, “sosyalist-Devlet bi\u00e7imi gibi Parti- bi\u00e7iminin de art\u0131k bundan b\u00f6yle Kom\u00fcnist \u0130dea’ya ger\u00e7ek destek vermede yetersiz oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.” (92) Nitekim bu “kom\u00fcnist \u0130dea” sahipleri ancak “kom\u00fcnist olduklar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u00e7mal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlayacak politikalar\u0131 savunuyorlar. “[93] ” politikalar\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmektedir. Bunlara genel olarak anar\u015fist denilebilir, daha \u00f6zel olarak da isyanc\u0131 anar\u015fizmin, sa\u011fl\u0131ks\u0131z dozda metafizik ve \u00fctopik sosyalizmle harmanlanm\u0131\u015f hali diyebilirim. Sonu\u00e7ta bunlar\u0131n savundu\u011fu, bireyin tarihi kesintiye u\u011fratan a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz bir Olaya sad\u0131k kalarak ve \u0130sa’n\u0131n takip\u00e7ileri gibi onun sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re hareket ederek bir \u00d6zne haline geldi\u011fi bir siyaset t\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cGer\u00e7ek kom\u00fcnizm\u201d bu nedenle Lacanc\u0131 Ger\u00e7ek\u2019in metafizik kom\u00fcnizmidir. Buna g\u00f6re, d\u00fcnyay\u0131 maddi olarak d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik kolektif proje, partiler ya da devletler bi\u00e7imini al\u0131rsa asl\u0131nda ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmaya mahkumdur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar \u00f6teki d\u00fcnyevi Ger\u00e7ek\u2019e somut bir bi\u00e7im ya da \u2018simgele\u015ftirme\u2019 verecektir. B\u00f6ylece kom\u00fcnizm, emperyalizmin zincirlerini k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in ilk ama gerekli bir ad\u0131m olarak sosyalist devlet kurma projelerini hedefleyen kolektif eylem alan\u0131ndan, bireysel bilin\u00e7 ve Nietzsche\u2019nin \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcr ruhlar\u2019 olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6znel deneyimi alan\u0131na kayd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. \u017di\u017eek, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ve sanat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131ndan olu\u015fan bu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gruba kar\u015f\u0131t olarak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemesiyle, \u201csomut insanlar\u0131n\u201d %99\u2019unun \u201cs\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 aptallar\u201d oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klar.[94] Bu bahts\u0131z emek\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler Paris\u2019te k\u00fcresel teori end\u00fcstrisinin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva ayd\u0131nlar\u0131yla birlikte e\u011fitim g\u00f6rmemi\u015f, bu y\u00fczden en \u00f6nemli \u015feyi anlamam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r: kom\u00fcnizm, mevcut toplumlar\u0131n sembolik d\u00fczenine direnen ve imkans\u0131z\u0131 arzulayan, hatta bireysel olarak bu arzuyu \u2018eyleyen\u2019 \u00f6znel bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir.[95]<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130dealistlerin materyalistleri bir \u015fekilde kaba indirgemeciler ve \u2018felsefi olmayanlar\u2019 olarak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeyi sevmelerinin nedenlerinden biri, tam da, materyalistlerin, onlar\u0131n oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavramsal oyunlar\u0131n alt\u0131nda yatan ve onlar\u0131 belirleyen maddi yap\u0131lar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karma yetene\u011fine sahip olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ek\u2019in idealist kom\u00fcnizmini s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir analize tabi tutarsak, \u2018fiilen var olan sosyalizm\u2019 ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda, arzular\u0131n\u0131n Ger\u00e7ek\u2019ini tarihsel bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebileceklerini hayal eden kitlelerin, k\u00fcresel Untermenschen<\/em>\u2018in (alt-insanlar) projesini reddetti\u011fi kolayca anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte tam da burada bu radikal aristokratlar\u0131n Nietzscheci y\u00f6nelimleri a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc onlar halk tabakas\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6zde cehaletiyle alay etmektedirler. Onlar\u0131n kaba materyalizmlerinin \u00f6tesinde ve kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, Ger\u00e7ek kom\u00fcnistler, somut anti-emperyalist devlet in\u015fas\u0131 projeleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla i\u00e7me suyuna, yiyece\u011fe, bar\u0131na\u011fa, sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerine ve benzerlerine kolektif eri\u015fimin al\u00e7akg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 arzularlar (t\u00fcm bunlar Lacan\u2019\u0131n \u2018arzu\u2019 yerine \u2018ihtiya\u00e7\u2019 dedi\u011fi \u015feyin alan\u0131na girer). Lacanc\u0131 anlamda ger\u00e7ek kom\u00fcnistler, \u2013 k\u00fcresel kitlelerin ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131 burada ve \u015fimdi maddi olarak iyile\u015ftirmeye yard\u0131mc\u0131 olabilecek bir \u015feyi de\u011fil \u2013 bireysel olarak imk\u00e2ns\u0131z\u0131 talep etme gibi y\u00fcce bir \u00f6znel haysiyete sahiptirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00f6yle bir duru\u015f, kelimenin tam anlam\u0131yla, bu kerameti kendinden menkul radikal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin yap\u0131lamayacak bir \u015feyi talep ettikleri anlam\u0131na gelir ki bu da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva radikalizminin \u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr. S\u00f6zde entelekt\u00fcel narsisistik kendini be\u011fenmi\u015fliklerini materyalist terimlere \u00e7evirirsek, ger\u00e7ekte arzulad\u0131klar\u0131 \u015fey, hayal edilebilecek en radikal taleplerde bulunuyormu\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrken, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendilerini emperyalist merkezin \u00f6nde gelen entelekt\u00fcelleri olarak y\u00fckselten maddi toplumsal hiyerar\u015filer sistemine y\u00f6nelik herhangi bir tehditten ka\u00e7\u0131nmakt\u0131r. \u0130mk\u00e2ns\u0131z\u0131 arzuluyorlar ve hatta tam da hi\u00e7bir \u015feyin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde de\u011fi\u015fmesini istemedikleri i\u00e7in bu arzuyla \u2018eyliyorlar\u2019. O halde kom\u00fcnizm hakk\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck fikirleri, onun imkans\u0131z oldu\u011fudur.[97]<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cLacanc\u0131-Althusserci liberal e\u011filimleri \u00f6nceden haber veren bir pasajda V.I. Lenin, \u201cMarksistlerin i\u015fi her zaman \u2018zordur\u2019, ama onlar\u0131 liberallerden farkl\u0131 k\u0131lan \u015fey, zor olan\u0131 imk\u00e2ns\u0131z ilan etmemeleridir,\u201d diye yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Liberal, vazge\u00e7ti\u011fini gizlemek i\u00e7in zor i\u015fi imk\u00e2ns\u0131z olarak adland\u0131r\u0131r.[98] Marx, liberal ideolojiyle temel noktalarda birle\u015fen anar\u015fizme y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftirisinde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva safsatas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc te\u015fhis etti\u011finde, bu kapitalist uzla\u015fmac\u0131lar\u0131 da \u00f6nceden tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Anar\u015fizmin maddi k\u00f6klerini kapitalist \u00e7ekirdek i\u00e7indeki oport\u00fcnist kariyerizme kadar geri g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc. Burada Proudhon hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6yledikleri, Badiou\u2019nun idealist safsatalar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u017di\u017eek\u2019in g\u00f6steri\u015fli \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini dikkate de\u011fer bir isabetle tan\u0131ml\u0131yor:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Proudhon\u2019un diyalekti\u011fe do\u011fal bir e\u011filimi vard\u0131. Ancak hi\u00e7bir zaman ger\u00e7ekten bilimsel diyalekti\u011fi kavrayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in safsatadan \u00f6teye gidemedi. Bu asl\u0131nda onun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Tarih\u00e7i Raumer gibi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva da \u201cbir yandan \u015fu, \u00f6te yandan bu\u201ddan olu\u015fur. Bu, ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131nda ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla politik, dini, bilimsel ve sanatsal g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinde b\u00f6yledir. Ve ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde ahlak\u0131nda da, HER \u015eEY\u0130NDE. O ya\u015fayan bir \u00e7eli\u015fkidir. E\u011fer Proudhon gibi o da zeki bir adamsa, \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden kendi \u00e7eli\u015fkileriyle oynamay\u0131 ve bunlar\u0131 ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131, g\u00f6steri\u015fli ve \u015fimdi de skandal ve parlak paradokslara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeyi \u00f6\u011frenecektir. Bilimde \u015farlatanl\u0131k ve siyasette uzla\u015fma b\u00f6yle bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ayr\u0131lamaz. Geriye tek bir y\u00f6netici g\u00fcd\u00fc, \u00f6znenin kibri kal\u0131r ve t\u00fcm kibirli insanlar i\u00e7in oldu\u011fu gibi onun i\u00e7in de tek mesele o an\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131, g\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015fatafat\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece, \u00f6rne\u011fin bir Rousseau\u2019yu iktidarlarla uzla\u015fman\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcnden bile daima uzak tutmu\u015f olan basit ahlaki duygunun yok olmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. [99]<\/p>\n\n\n\n Radikal \u015eifac\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00c7\u00f6kmekte olan biyosfer, fa\u015fizmin y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve \u2018yeni\u2019 So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme tehdidi, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin risklerinin oldu\u011fundan daha y\u00fcksek olamayaca\u011f\u0131 bir anda oldu\u011fumuz anlam\u0131na geliyor. Kapitalizmin saray soytar\u0131s\u0131, kendi t\u00fcr\u00fcndeki di\u011fer entelekt\u00fceller gibi, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n se\u00e7kin y\u00f6neticileri taraf\u0131ndan alk\u0131\u015flanmakta ve k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 ate\u015fli yorumlar\u0131n\u0131 yalay\u0131p yutarken ve te\u015fvik etti\u011fi gi\u015fe rekorlar\u0131 k\u0131ran filmleri ve TV \u015fovlar\u0131n\u0131 izlerken bizi \u2018Ger\u00e7ek\u2019in k\u0131yametine korkusuzca at s\u00fcrmeye te\u015fvik etti\u011fi i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 alanda tan\u0131t\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu neoliberal \u015fakac\u0131, bu nedenle radikal bir \u015fifac\u0131 timsalidir. Toplumdaki potansiyel radikal unsurlar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle de gen\u00e7leri ve \u00f6\u011frencileri emperyalizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 anti-kom\u00fcnist saflarda yeniden toparlayacak bir radikallik g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fc geli\u015ftirip pazarlamaktad\u0131r. Tam da bu nedenle kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en \u00fcnl\u00fc \u2018Marksisti\u2019 olarak ABD emperyalizminin motoruna ba\u011fl\u0131 bir dergi taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6klere \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131yor. Onun mantras\u0131, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019nun kapan\u0131\u015f sat\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n oport\u00fcnist bir sapt\u0131rmas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir: \u201cBat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel t\u00fcketicileri birle\u015fin ve bir sonraki kitab\u0131m\u0131, filmimi ya da crossover \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc ya da her neyse onu sat\u0131n al\u0131n ve bu b\u00f6yle devam etsin!\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Notlar:<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n [1] Beni bu makaleyi yazmaya te\u015fvik eden ve geri bildirimde bulunan Jennifer Ponce de Le\u00f3n, Eduardo Rodr\u00edguez ve Marcela Romero Rivera ile Helmut-Harry Loewen ve Julian Sempill\u2019e \u015f\u00fckranlar\u0131m\u0131 sunar\u0131m. Bununla birlikte, herhangi bir hata veya eksiklik i\u00e7in t\u00fcm sorumluluk bana aittir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [2] Bkz: Foreign Policy (Aral\u0131k 2012): <https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20121201034713\/http:\/\/www.foreignpolicy.com\/articles\/2012\/11\/26\/the_fp_100_global_thinkers?page=0,55#thinker92><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [3] \u0130ngiliz BBC\u2019de yay\u0131nlanan \u201cHARDtalk\u201d program\u0131nda 4 Kas\u0131m 2009 tarihinde verdi\u011fi r\u00f6portaja bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=ThTJBKYPiNo&t=153s><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [4] Age. Ayr\u0131ca bkz: Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism? Five Interventions in the (Mis)use of a Notion (Londra: Verso, 2001), 127-129.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [5] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek, In Defense of Lost Causes (Londra: Verso, 2009), 151 (\u017di\u017eek\u2019in vurgusu).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [6] Age. 169.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [7] Domenico Losurdo\u2019nun Western Marxism\u2019deki \u017di\u017eek ele\u015ftirisine bak\u0131n\u0131z. \u00c7ev. Steven Colatrella (New York: 1804 Books, yak\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kacak).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [8] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cA Leftist Plea for \u2018Eurocentrism\u2019.\u201d Critical Inquiry 24:4 (Yaz 1998): 998-1009; Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cNous pouvons encore \u00eatre fiers de l\u2019Europe!\u201d Le Figaro (31 Ekim 2022); ve Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011fine ili\u015fkin s\u00f6zl\u00fc yorumlar\u0131na buradan ula\u015fabilirsiniz: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=8pA35HuhEYY><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [9] Thomas Moller-Nielsen\u2019den al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cWhat Is \u017di\u017eek For?\u201d Current Affairs (Eyl\u00fcl\/Ekim 2019): <https:\/\/www.currentaffairs.org\/2019\/10\/what-is-zizek-for><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [10] \u00d6rne\u011fin, 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda Channel 4\u2019e verdi\u011fi ve burada ar\u015fivlenen r\u00f6portajdaki ifadelerine bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/watch\/?v=10154211377601939><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [11] Bkz: Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cPacifism Is the Wrong Response to the War in Ukraine.\u201d The Guardian (21 Haziran 2022): <https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2022\/jun\/21\/pacificsm-is-the-wrong-response-to-the-war-in-ukraine><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [12] Huntington, Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Konseyi i\u00e7in Beyaz Saray G\u00fcvenlik Planlama Koordinat\u00f6r\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rev yapt\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca Apartheid G\u00fcney Afrika\u2019s\u0131nda P.W. Botha\u2019n\u0131n G\u00fcvenlik Servisi\u2019nde dan\u0131\u015fman olarak \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131 (Botha, Siyahlar\u0131n siyasi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ve uluslararas\u0131 kom\u00fcnizmin a\u00e7\u0131k s\u00f6zl\u00fc bir muhalifi ve Apartheid\u2019\u0131n pi\u015fmanl\u0131k duymayan bir savunucusuydu).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [13] Reena Flores\u201cDonald Trump: I could \u2018shoot somebody and I wouldn\u2019t lose any voters.\u2019\u201d CBS News (23 Ocak 2016): <https:\/\/www.cbsnews.com\/news\/donald-trump-i-could-shoot-somebody-and-i-wouldnt-lose-any-voters\/><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [14] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, Noam Chomsky. 9\/11: Was There an Alternative? (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2001) ve Michael Parenti. The Terrorism Trap: September 11 and Beyond (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2002).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [15] \u017di\u017eek\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla ilgili intihal ve kendinden intihal meseleleri o kadar s\u0131k ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, Wikipedia sayfas\u0131nda konuyla ilgili \u00e7ok say\u0131da makaleye ba\u011flant\u0131lar i\u00e7eren bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm bile vard\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle bak\u0131n\u0131z, Jay Pinho. \u201cA Year of Writing Dangerously: \u017di\u017eek\u2019s Serial Self-Plagiarism.\u201d The First Casualty (22 Eyl\u00fcl 2012): <http:\/\/archives.jaypinho.com\/2012\/09\/22\/the-year-of-writing-dangerously-slavoj-zizeks-serial-self-plagiarism\/><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [16] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek\u2019in \u201cPhronesis\u201d adl\u0131 kitap dizisine ili\u015fkin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131na bak\u0131n\u0131z. The Sublime Object of Ideology (Londra: Verso, 1989). Radikal demokrasinin i\u00e7g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc bir ele\u015ftirisi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z Larry Alan Busk Democracy in Spite of the Demos: From Arendt to the Frankfurt School (Londra: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [17] \u017di\u017eek, The Sublime Object of Ideology, 6 (\u017di\u017eek\u2019in onlar\u0131n teorik matrisini benimsemesi hakk\u0131nda bkz. sayfa xvi\u2019deki te\u015fekk\u00fcr yaz\u0131s\u0131). Ayr\u0131ca okuyucuyu \u017di\u017eek ve Laclau\u2019nun \u201cPhronesis\u201d serisi i\u00e7in \u201canti-totaliter\u201d radikal demokrat Judith Butler ile birlikte yazd\u0131klar\u0131 kitaba y\u00f6nlendiriyorum. Birlikte yazd\u0131klar\u0131 giri\u015f yaz\u0131s\u0131nda, kitab\u0131n Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji \u00fczerine kuruldu\u011funu, zira \u201cMarksizm i\u00e7inde postyap\u0131salc\u0131 teoriye bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc temsil etti\u011fini, dil sorununu anti-totaliter, radikal demokratik bir projenin form\u00fclasyonu i\u00e7in elzem kabul etti\u011fini\u201d belirtiyorlar (Contingency, Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left. Londra: Verso, 2000, 1, benim vurgum).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [18] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cPhronesis\u201d serisi i\u00e7in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ikinci kitab\u0131n\u0131, Slovenya\u2019da \u201cdemokrasi i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7en entelekt\u00fcellerin \u2018hay\u0131rseverce tarafs\u0131z\u2019 halk\u0131na y\u00f6nelik\u201d bir dizi konferansa dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir (For They Know Not What They Do: Enjoyment as a Political Factor. Londra: Verso, 1991, 3). Laclau ve Mouffe\u2019a ek olarak, Lacanc\u0131 Joan Copjec, \u017di\u017eek\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 Frans\u0131z teorisi odakl\u0131 New York sanat dergisi October\u2019\u0131n \u00e7evrelerinde tan\u0131tarak \u017di\u017eek\u2019in Anglofon d\u00fcnyada y\u00fckseli\u015fini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmaya yard\u0131mc\u0131 oldu. MIT Press ile bir October kitab\u0131 olarak yay\u0131nlanan 1991 tarihli Looking Awry kitab\u0131n\u0131n te\u015fekk\u00fcr b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde belirtti\u011fi gibi, Copjec projenin \u201cba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan itibaren oradayd\u0131\u201d, onu yazmaya te\u015fvik etti ve taslak konusunda ona yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmak i\u00e7in zaman harcad\u0131 (Looking Awry: An Introduction to Jacques Lacan through Popular Culture. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1991, xi).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [19] Jodi Dean. \u017di\u017eek\u2019s Politics (New York: Routledge, 2006), xi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [20] Benoit Denezit-Lewis. \u201cThe Man Behind Abercrombie and Fitch.\u201d Salon (24 Ocak 2006): <https:\/\/www.salon.com\/2006\/01\/24\/jeffries\/><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [21] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cThe Communist Desire.\u201d Los Angeles Review of Books. \u201cThe Philosophical Salon\u201d (25 Temmuz 2022): <https:\/\/thephilosophicalsalon.com\/the-communist-desire\/#_ednref1><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [22] Michael Parenti. To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia (Londra: Verso, 2000), 17. Michel Chossudovsky, The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order (Pincourt, Canada: Global Research, 2003), 259\u2019da sosyalizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011fundan \u015f\u00fcphelenilemeyecek D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 verilerine dayanarak 1980 \u00f6ncesi Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n benzer bir portresini \u00e7izmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [23] Tony Myers. Slavoj \u017di\u017eek (New York: Routledge, 2003), 10.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [24] Age. 7.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [25] Heideggerci \u2018kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k\u2019 ve \u017di\u017eek\u2019in ilk kitab\u0131 hakk\u0131nda bkz. Christopher Hanlon ve Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cPsychoanalysis and the Post-Political: An Interview with Slavoj \u017di\u017eek.\u201d New Literary History 32:1 (K\u0131\u015f, 2001): 1-21.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [26] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, Barbara Day. The Velvet Philosophers (Londra: The Claridge Press, 1999).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [27] NED hakk\u0131nda bkz: William Blum. Rogue State: A Guide to the World\u2019s Only Superpower (Londra: Zed Books, 2014), 238-243. NED\u2019i kuran yasan\u0131n haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olan Allen Weinstein, \u201cbug\u00fcn yapt\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funun 25 y\u0131l \u00f6nce CIA taraf\u0131ndan gizlice yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kabul etmi\u015ftir (a.g.e. 239).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [28] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, Ian Parker. Slavoj \u017di\u017eek: A Critical Introduction (Londra: Pluto Press, 2004). CIA\u2019in Frans\u0131z teorisine ve daha genel olarak entelekt\u00fcel anti-kom\u00fcnizme verdi\u011fi destek hakk\u0131nda bkz. \u201cThe CIA Reads French Theory: On the Intellectual Labor of Dismantling the Cultural Left.\u201d Los Angeles Review of Books. \u201cThe Philosophical Salon\u201d (28 \u015eubat 2017): <https:\/\/thephilosophicalsalon.com\/the-cia-reads-french-theory-on-the-intellectual-labor-of-dismantling-the-cultural-left\/><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [29] Thomas Moller Nielsen. \u201cUnrepentant Charlatanism (with a Response by Slavoj \u017di\u017eek).\u201d Los Angeles Review of Books. \u201cThe Philosophical Salon\u201d (25 Kas\u0131m 2019): <https:\/\/thephilosophicalsalon.com\/unrepentant-charlatanism-with-a-response-by-slavoj-zizek\/><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [30] Ernesto Laclau. \u201cPreface.\u201d \u017di\u017eek, The Sublime Object of Ideology, xi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [31] BBC\u2019nin \u201d The Death of Yugoslavia \u201d (Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n \u00d6l\u00fcm\u00fc) belgeseline bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=H3VyGPu6PKc><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022). \u017di\u017eek\u2019in haftal\u0131k k\u00f6\u015fe yaz\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in Britannica Ansiklopedisi\u2019nin kendisi hakk\u0131ndaki giri\u015fine bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.britannica.com\/biography\/Slavoj-Zizek><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [32] Di\u011fer kaynaklar aras\u0131nda, 4 Kas\u0131m 2009 tarihinde \u0130ngiliz BBC\u2019de yay\u0131nlanan \u201cHARDtalk\u201d program\u0131na verdi\u011fi r\u00f6portaja bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=ThTJBKYPiNo&t=153s><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [33] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cA Leftist Plea for \u2018Eurocentrism,’\u201d 990.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [34] Aktaran F. William Engdahl. Manifest Destiny: Democracy as Cognitive Dissonance (Wiesbaden: mine.Books, 2018), 101.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [35] Matthew Sharpe, Sloven filozof hakk\u0131nda Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy\u2019de yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 makalede \u017di\u017eek\u2019in LDS\u2019nin kurucular\u0131ndan biri oldu\u011funu iddia etmektedir: <https:\/\/iep.utm.edu\/zizek\/><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022). Bu bilginin ba\u015fka kaynaklar taraf\u0131ndan do\u011fruland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmemi\u015f olsam da, \u017di\u017eek\u2019in en az\u0131ndan LDS i\u00e7in kamuoyu \u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6nemli bir s\u00f6zc\u00fc oldu\u011fu \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [36] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, \u201cLacan in Slovenia: An Interview with Slavoj \u017di\u017eek and Renata Salecl.\u201d Radical Philosophy 58 (Yaz 1991). B\u00fcy\u00fck Michael Parenti\u2019nin Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin analizinin izinden giderek bu partinin finansman tarihini ara\u015ft\u0131rmak ilgin\u00e7 olacakt\u0131r: \u201cABD liderleri \u2013 National Endowment for Democracy\u2019yi, \u00e7e\u015fitli CIA paravanlar\u0131n\u0131 ve di\u011fer kurumlar\u0131 kullanarak \u2013 ABD medyas\u0131nda \u2018Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131\u2019 ve \u2018demokratik muhalefet\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlanan muhafazakar ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 siyasi gruplara kampanya paras\u0131 ve tavsiye ak\u0131tt\u0131lar\u201d (To Kill a Nation, 26).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [37] Televizyonda yay\u0131nlanan 1990 se\u00e7im tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ar\u015fivine buradan ula\u015fabilirsiniz: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=942h8enHCZs><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [38] \u201cLacan in Slovenia,\u201d 30.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [39] 1990 y\u0131l\u0131nda televizyonda yay\u0131nlanan ayn\u0131 se\u00e7im tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne bak\u0131n\u0131z, burada ar\u015fivlenmi\u015ftir: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=rGfNeIRQ350><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [40] NSDD-133\u2019\u00fcn dijital ar\u015fivine buradan ula\u015fabilirsiniz: <https:\/\/irp.fas.org\/offdocs\/nsdd\/nsdd-133.htm><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [41] Geert Lovink. \u201cCivil Society, Fanaticism, and Digital Reality: A Conversation with Slavoj \u017di\u017eek.\u201d Ctheory (21 \u015eubat 1996): <https:\/\/journals.uvic.ca\/index.php\/ctheory\/article\/view\/14649\/5529><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [42] Neil Clark. \u201cNS Profili-George Soros.\u201d New Statesman (2 Haziran 2003): <http:\/\/www.slobodan-milosevic.org\/news\/ns062203.htm><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022). Clark bu makalesinde \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r: \u201c1979\u2019dan itibaren [Soros] Polonya\u2019daki Dayan\u0131\u015fma hareketi, \u00c7ekoslovakya\u2019daki Charter 77 ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ndeki Andrei Sakharov gibi muhaliflere y\u0131lda 3 milyon dolar da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131. 1984 y\u0131l\u0131nda Macaristan\u2019da ilk A\u00e7\u0131k Toplum Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019n\u00fc kurdu ve muhalif hareketlere ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z medyaya milyonlarca dolar pompalad\u0131. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte bir \u2018sivil toplum\u2019 in\u015fa etmeyi ama\u00e7layan bu giri\u015fimler, mevcut siyasi yap\u0131lar\u0131 zay\u0131flatmak ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n k\u00fcresel sermaye taraf\u0131ndan nihai olarak s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirilmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in tasarlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [43] Aktaran N\u00e9stor Kohan. Hegemon\u00eda y cultura en tiempos de contrainsurgencia \u201csoft\u201d (Ocean Sur, 2021), 63.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [44] Myers, Slavoj \u017di\u017eek, 9. Bkz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [45] Lovink, \u201cCivil Society, Fanaticism, and Digital Reality\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [46] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, Chossudovsky, The Globalization of Poverty, 267: \u201cH\u0131rvatistan, Slovenya ve Makedonya, Yugoslav borcundaki paylar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6demek i\u00e7in kredi paketlerini kabul etmi\u015flerdi [\u2026]. Fabrikalar\u0131n kapanmas\u0131, bankalar\u0131n iflas etmesi ve yoksulla\u0122ma gibi \u00e7ok tan\u0131d\u0131k \u00f6rnekler 1996\u2019dan beri [yani Kas\u0131m 1995 Dayton Anla\u0122malar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan] h\u0131z kesmeden devam etti. Peki IMF diktalar\u0131n\u0131 kim uygulayacakt\u0131? Yeni egemen devletlerin liderleri kredit\u00f6rlerle tam bir i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde oldular.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [47] Minqi Li, \u201cBerlin Duvar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131, d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun geni\u015f kesimleri i\u00e7in ya\u015fam standartlar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fler izledi\u201d diye yaz\u0131yor. \u201cSosyalist ekonomilerin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 k\u00fcresel i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulundu. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n hemen her yerinde milli gelir emekten sermayeye do\u011fru yeniden da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131\u201d \u201d (\u201cThe 21st Century: Is There an Alternative (to Socialism)?\u201d Science & Society 77:1 (Ocak 2013): 11). Ayr\u0131ca bkz Bo\u017eo Repe. \u201d Slovenia\u201d, G\u00fcnther Heydemann ve Karel Vodicka. From Eastern Bloc to European Union: Comparative Processes of Transformation since 1990 (New York: Berhahn Books, 2017) ve Leopoldina Plut-Pregelj ve Carole Rogel. The A to Z of Slovenia (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. 2010), 241. Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n emperyalistlerce par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 ve bunun yerel n\u00fcfusun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu i\u00e7in yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 korkun\u00e7 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n kapitalist egemen s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7in artan k\u00e2rlarla ters orant\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131 konusunda Boris Malagurski\u2019nin The Weight of Chains (2010) adl\u0131 belgesel filmine ve Michael Parenti\u2019nin 1999 tarihli \u201cThe U.S. War on Yugoslavia\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 konferans\u0131na bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=waEYQ46gH08><\/a>; ve <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=GEzOgpMWnVs><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [48] Bkz: Matja\u017e Klemen\u010di\u010d ve Mitja \u017dagar. The Former Yugoslavia\u2019s Diverse Peoples (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2004), 300-301.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [49] Bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin, Lovink, \u201cCivil Society, Fanaticism, and Digital Reality\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [50] Yukar\u0131da bahsedilen 1990 ba\u015fkanl\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ikinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne bak\u0131n\u0131z: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=rGfNeIRQ350><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [51] Age.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [52] Lovink, Civil Society, Fanaticism, and Digital Reality.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [53] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cNATO, the Left Hand of God.\u201d Nettime (29 Haziran 1999): <https:\/\/www.lacan.com\/zizek-nato.htm><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [54] Parenti, To Kill a Nation, 81.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [55] A.g.e. 92\u2019de al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [56] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cEastern Europe\u2019s Republics of Gilead.\u201d New Left Review I\/183 (Eyl\u00fcl\/Ekim 1990): 58.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [57] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cLacan in Slovenia,\u201d 29. Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019in Kosova\u2019ya y\u00f6nelik \u2018etnik temizlik\u2019 kampanyas\u0131n\u0131 1989\u2019da yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmada ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildirilmektedir. \u017di\u017eek\u2019in s\u0131cak yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131yla bir\u00e7ok noktada \u00e7eli\u015fen \u00f6nemli bir ba\u011flam sa\u011flayan Michael Parenti taraf\u0131ndan bildirildi\u011fi \u00fczere, Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019in s\u00f6ylediklerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yledir: \u201cFarkl\u0131 milletlerden, dinlerden ve \u0131rklardan vatanda\u015flar giderek daha s\u0131k ve daha ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde bir arada ya\u015famaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle ilerici ve adil bir demokratik toplum olan sosyalizm, insanlar\u0131n ulusal ve dini a\u00e7\u0131dan b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesine izin vermemelidir\u201d (To Kill a Nation, 188).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [58] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cNATO, the Left Hand of God.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [59] Aktaran Parker, Slavoj \u017di\u017eek, 35.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [60] Lovink, \u201cCivil Society, Fanaticism, and Digital Reality.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [61] \u201cSlavoj \u017di\u017eek on Cuba and Yugoslavia\u201d (1 Aral\u0131k 2016): <https:\/\/zizek.uk\/slavoj-zizek-on-cuba-and-yugoslavia\/><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022). Ayr\u0131ca bkz. \u017di\u017eek, \u201cThe Communist Desire.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [62] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cNous pouvons encore \u00eatre fiers de l\u2019Europe!\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [63] Bkz. yukar\u0131da al\u0131nt\u0131lanan \u0130ngiliz BBC program\u0131 \u201cHARDtalk \u201ca verdi\u011fi r\u00f6portaj ve Lovink, \u201cCivil Society, Fanaticism, and Digital Reality\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [64] Televizyonda yay\u0131nlanan tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bu b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc burada ar\u015fivlenmi\u015ftir: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=rGfNeIRQ350><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022). Churchill\u2019in \u00fc\u00e7 milyon insan\u0131n hayat\u0131na mal olan 1943 Bengal k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da dahil olmak \u00fczere emperyal zul\u00fcmlere yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 katk\u0131lar\u0131n k\u0131sa bir \u00f6zeti i\u00e7in bkz. \u201cNot His Finest Hour: The Dark Side of Winston Churchill.\u201d Independent (28 Ekim 2010).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [65] Avrupa konusunda bkz. \u00f6rne\u011fin Steve Weissman, Phil Kelly ve Mark Hosenball. \u201cThe CIA Backs the Common Market.\u201d Dirty Work: The CIA in Western Europe. Ed. Philip Agee ve Louis Wolf (New York: Dorset Press, 1978). Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00f6nemli bir anti-kom\u00fcnist g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funu da belirtmek gerekir. Avrupa Parlamentosu 2019\u2019da kom\u00fcnizmi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde fa\u015fizmle e\u015fitleyen ve \u201cNazizm veya kom\u00fcnizm gibi totaliter ideolojilerin t\u00fcm tezah\u00fcrlerini ve yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131\u201d k\u0131nayan bir karar\u0131 kabul etmi\u015ftir <https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/doceo\/document\/TA-9-2019-0021_EN.html><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [66] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cNous pouvons encore \u00eatre fiers de l\u2019Europe!\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [67] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. First as Tragedy, then as Farce (Londra: Verso, 2009), 115.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [68] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cNous pouvons encore \u00eatre fiers de l\u2019Europe!\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [69] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek New Statesman Interview, with Jonathan Derbyshire.\u201d New Statesman (29 Ekim 2009): <https:\/\/zizek.uk\/new-statesman-interview-with-jonathan-derbyshire\/><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [70] \u00d6rne\u011fin, Domenico Losurdo\u2019nun Antonio Gramsci\u2019de Croce\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik anlay\u0131\u015fl\u0131 ele\u015ftirilerine bak\u0131n\u0131z: Del liberalismo al comunismo cr\u00edtico (Madrid: disenso, 1997).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [71] Ronald Radosh Steve Bannon, Trump\u2019s Top Guy, told Me He Was \u2018a Leninist.\u2019\u201d Daily Beast (13 Nisan 2017): <https:\/\/www.thedailybeast.com\/steve-bannon-trumps-top-guy-told-me-he-was-a-leninist><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [72] Spencer\u2019\u0131n tweet\u2019i burada ar\u015fivlenmi\u015ftir: <https:\/\/archive.ph\/qT5Xu><\/a>; (eri\u015fim tarihi: 22 Kas\u0131m 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [73] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. \u201cNew Statesman Interview.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [74] Michael B Kelley. \u201cLast Year President Obama Reportedly Told His Aides that He\u2019s \u2018Really Good at Killing People.\u2019\u201d Business Insider (2 Kas\u0131m 2013): <https:\/\/www.businessinsider.com\/obama-said-hes-really-good-at-killing-people-2013-11?op=1><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [75] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cNew Statesman Interview.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n [76] \u201cDoug Henwood Interviews Slavoj \u017di\u017eek.\u201d No Subject \u2013 Encyclopedia of Psychoanalysis (27 \u015eubat 2002): <https:\/\/nosubject.com\/I_am_a_fighting_atheist><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [78] Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. Repeating Lenin (Zagreb: Bastard Books, 2001), 137.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [79] \u017di\u017eek, \u201cThe Communist Desire\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [80] Di\u011ferleri aras\u0131ndan sadece bir \u00f6rnek vermek gerekirse, \u017di\u017eek s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u201cnesnel toplumsal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin\u201d bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, bunun yerine \u201ctam Lacanc\u0131 anlamda\u201d Ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011funu, yani s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u201ctoplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck i\u00e7inde yer alan, nesnelle\u015ftirilemeyen s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n ad\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d iddia etme c\u00fcretine sahiptir (Slavoj \u017di\u017eek, Ed. Mapping Ideology. Londra: Verso, 2000, 25, 22).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [81] Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels. Collected Works. Cilt 5 (Moskova: Progress Publishers, 1976), 49.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [82] [82] Alain Badiou \u00f6zellikle Hienrich B\u00f6ll (1917-85) taraf\u0131ndan ve Almanya’da dahil oldu\u011fu CIA a\u011flar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kollar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7arak kar\u015f\u0131lanan sa\u011fc\u0131 muhalif Aleksandr Soljenitsin’in kitaplar\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekmektedir (bkz. Hans-R\u00fcdiger Minow’un ARTE i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 2006 tarihli belgesel, Quand la CIA infiltrait la culture: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=58QTcf_mFag><\/a>;, eri\u015fim tarihi 22 Kas\u0131m 2022). Metafizik\u00e7i ayr\u0131ca Stalinist Ter\u00f6r \u00fczerine “ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc, tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz netlikte bir\u201d ara\u015ft\u0131rmaya at\u0131fta bulunmakta ve J. Arch Getty’nin “harika “Ter\u00f6re Giden Yol” adl\u0131 kitab\u0131n\u0131 ilk s\u0131raya” yerle\u015ftirmektedir: Stalin ve Bol\u015feviklerin Bizzat Kendi Kendilerini Tahrip Etmeleri– 1932-1939 (Slavoj \u017di\u017eek, Kom\u00fcnizm \u0130deas\u0131. Cilt 2. Londra: Verso, 2013, 6). Alain Badiou bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, National Endowment for the Humanities ve A\u00e7\u0131k Toplum Fonu taraf\u0131ndan finanse edildi\u011fini gizlemektedir. Ayr\u0131ca kitab\u0131n, dan\u0131\u015fma kurulunda ABD D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan\u0131 Strobe Talbott ve anti-kom\u00fcnist Ulusal G\u00fcvenlik Dan\u0131\u015fman\u0131 Zbigniew Brzezinski gibi ABD emperyal elitinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00fcyelerinin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir seride yay\u0131nland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de gizliyor. Brzezinski, ba\u015fka \u015feylerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Afganistan’da Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’ne kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmak \u00fczere Usame bin Ladin de dahil olmak \u00fczere m\u00fccahitleri finanse eden ve destekleyen gizli CIA operasyonlar\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (bkz. Chomsky, 9\/11, 82).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [83] Alain Badiou’nun bu do\u011frultudaki m\u00fckemmel bir ele\u015ftirisi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z Losurdo, Western Marxism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [84] Costas Douzinas ve Slavoj \u017di\u017eek, Ed. The Idea of Communism (Londra: Verso Books, 2010), viii.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [85] Bkz: Gabriel Rockhill ve Jennifer Ponce de Le\u00f3n. \u201cToward a Compositional Model of Ideology: Materialism, Aesthetics and Social Imaginaries.\u201d Philosophy Today 64:1 (k\u0131\u015f 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [86] \u017di\u017eek, Looking Awry, 39; Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. Metastases of Enjoyment: Six Essays on Woman and Causality (Londra: Verso, 1994), 30. \u201cGer\u00e7ek,\u201d diye yazar \u017di\u017eek, \u201ctam da Simgesel\u2019in kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131na direnen ve ondan ka\u00e7an \u015feydir ve sonu\u00e7 olarak, Simgesel\u2019in i\u00e7inde ancak onun rahats\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 kisvesi alt\u0131nda tespit edilebilen \u015feydir\u201d (Metastases of Enjoyment, 30).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [87] Age. 76.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [88] \u017di\u017eek, Looking Awry, 12. \u017di\u017eek\u2019in siyasi pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131n istikrar\u0131 ya da Lacan veya di\u011fer konulardaki yorumlar\u0131 konusunda hi\u00e7bir yan\u0131lsama i\u00e7inde de\u011filim. Bir oport\u00fcnist olarak, elbette, baz\u0131lar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde kendi i\u00e7inde \u00e7eli\u015fki g\u00f6steren \u00e7ok say\u0131da farkl\u0131 pozisyon alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. O halde burada i\u015faret etti\u011fim \u015fey, Badiou\u2019nun \u00f6zne teorisiyle birle\u015fti\u011fi \u015fekliyle, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndaki en tutarl\u0131 hatlardan biri olan etik eylem temas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [89] Alain Badiou. Kom\u00fcnist Hipotez kitab\u0131 (Paris: Nouvelles \u00c9ditions Lignes, 2009), 189. \u017di\u017eek, Badiou’nun etik eylem \u00fczerine kapsaml\u0131 yaz\u0131lar\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen kom\u00fcnizm ideas\u0131n\u0131 bir\u00e7ok kez a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a benimser. \u0130\u015fte bir \u00f6rnek: “Kom\u00fcnist \u0130dea b\u00f6ylece varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr: Beckett’in daha \u00f6nce al\u0131nt\u0131lanan s\u00f6zleriyle Kom\u00fcnist \u0130dea en iyi \u015fekilde \u00f6zetlenen sonsuz bir \u0131srarla, tekrar tekrar geri d\u00f6nen bir hayalet olarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131ndan kurtulur: ‘Tekrar dene. Tekrar ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z ol. Daha iyi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z ol'” demektedir (Douzinas ve \u017di\u017eek, Komunism \u0130deas\u0131 Kitab\u0131, 217).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [90] Alain Badiou, Kom\u00fcnist Hipotez kitab\u0131, 188.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [91] Age. 189.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [92] Age. 202. Abart\u0131 yapma alan\u0131nda asla geride kalmayan \u017di\u017eek, Alain Badiou’nun pozisyonunu ikiye katlar ve daha da ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr, ve \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: “E\u011fer radikal sol hayatta kalmak istiyorsa, faaliyetinin temel \u00f6nc\u00fcllerini yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irmelidir. Sadece yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l devlet(\u00e7i) sosyalizminin iki ana bi\u00e7imi olan sosyal-demokrat refah devleti ve Stalinist parti diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda radikal solun genellikle bu ikisinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7t\u00fc\u011f\u00fc a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri de reddetmeliyiz: liberter kom\u00fcnizmin topluluk vizyonu, \u00e7okluk, konseyler, meclisler, temsili demokrasi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olan ve yurtta\u015flar\u0131n s\u00fcrekli kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 do\u011frudan demokrasi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, bunlar da reddedilmeli” (Taek-Gwang Lee ve Slavoj \u017di\u017eek. Kom\u00fcnizm \u0130deas\u0131 Cilt 3. The Seoul Conference. Londra: Verso, 2016).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [93] Alain Badiou, Kom\u00fcnist Hipotez kitab\u0131, 190. Badiou bu kom\u00fcnizm anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ile uyumlu bir \u015fekilde a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki \u00f6rneklere at\u0131fta bulunur: “1980-81 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Polonya’daki Dayan\u0131\u015fma Sendikas\u0131 hareketi, \u0130ran Devrimi’nin ilk sekans\u0131, Fransa’daki Siyasi \u00d6rg\u00fct [Badiou’nun siyasi grubu], Meksika’daki Zapatista hareketi, Nepal’deki Maoistler” (a.g.e. 203). The Idea of Communism’in \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc cildinde, kapitalist bir devlet ve fiilen ordu taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fgal edilmi\u015f bir ABD s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi olan G\u00fcney Kore’deki bir konferansa dayanan a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f yorumlar\u0131nda Badiou, konferansa kat\u0131lanlar\u0131n “Kuzey Kore’nin milliyet\u00e7i ve militarist devletiyle hi\u00e7bir ilgisi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131” konusunda yemin ediyor ve ilave ediyor: “Daha genel olarak, burada ve orada ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n eski modas\u0131n\u0131 yani fiilen var olan sosyalizmi s\u00fcrd\u00fcren kom\u00fcnist partilerle hi\u00e7bir ilgimiz yok.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n [94] “Slavoj \u017di\u017eek: ‘Insanl\u0131k TAMAM, fakat, halk\u0131n 99% u S\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 Aptallardan Olu\u015fuyor.” Guardian Gazetesi (10 Haziran 2012): <https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/culture\/2012\/jun\/10\/slavoj-zizek-humanity-ok-people-boring><\/a>; (22 Kas\u0131m 2022 tarihinde eri\u015filmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [95] \u017di\u017eek, Antigone \u00fczerine, devlete kar\u015f\u0131 isyan ederek ve arzusuna (karde\u015fini g\u00f6mmek ve b\u00f6ylece tanr\u0131lar\u0131n y\u00fcksek yasas\u0131n\u0131 onurland\u0131rmak) tavizsiz bir adanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k lehine \u2018ger\u00e7eklik ilkesinin\u2019 h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 reddederek tam da b\u00f6yle bir eylemi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren biri olarak kapsaml\u0131 bir \u015fekilde yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cBir eylem yaln\u0131zca \u2018imkans\u0131z\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren\u2019 bir jest de\u011fildir,\u201d der Antigone\u2019ye \u00f6zg\u00fc bireysel arzuyu y\u00fcceltirken, \u201ctoplumsal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe yap\u0131lan ve \u2018m\u00fcmk\u00fcn\u2019 olarak alg\u0131lanan \u015feyin koordinatlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftiren bir m\u00fcdahaledir\u201d (Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism?, 167).<\/p>\n\n\n\n [96] Badiou ve \u017di\u017eek zaman zaman i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 destekleyen siyasi pozisyonlar alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r ve benim ele\u015ftirimin konusu bu de\u011fildir. Bunun yerine, 1917\u2019den g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze, SSCB\u2019den Vietnam\u2019a, \u00c7in\u2019e, K\u00fcba\u2019ya ve \u00f6tesine kadar anti-emperyalist devlet kurma projeleri bi\u00e7imini alan uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist harekete -\u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir istisnalar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda- kararl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [97] Bkz: Radhika Desai. \u201cThe New Communists of the Commons: Twenty-First-Century Proudhonists.\u201d International Critical Thought 1:2 (1 A\u011fustos 2011): 204-223.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [98] V.I. Lenin. Collected Works. Cilt 19 (Moskova: Progress Publishers, 1977), 396.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [99] Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels. Collected Works. Cilt 20 (Moskova: Progress Publishers, 1976), 33.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kaynak metin: https:\/\/www.counterpunch.org\/2023\/01\/02\/capitalisms-court-jester-slavoj-zizek\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n\n\n\n