{"id":3631,"date":"2024-04-02T21:38:12","date_gmt":"2024-04-02T21:38:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=3631"},"modified":"2024-04-02T21:38:12","modified_gmt":"2024-04-02T21:38:12","slug":"birlesik-cephe-maoda-ve-bugunku-cinde-birlesik-cephe-calismasinin-politikalari-bir-sosyalist-iscinin-sorularina-yanit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=3631","title":{"rendered":"Birle\u015fik Cephe: Mao\u2019da\u00a0ve\u00a0Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019de Birle\u015fik Cephe \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Politikalar\u0131,\u00a0Bir Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7inin Sorular\u0131na Yan\u0131t"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Birle\u015fik Cephe: Mao\u2019da ve Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019de Birle\u015fik Cephe \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Politikalar\u0131, Bir Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7inin Sorular\u0131na Yan\u0131t<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Cem K\u0131z\u0131l\u00e7e\u00e7- Selma \u00d6zkan<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Gramsci, Dimitrov, Ho \u015ei Minh, Castro, Mao ve Deng<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Biz diye yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re size bir Marksist bilimsel sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i veya s\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00e7li bir i\u015f\u00e7i olarak yan\u0131tlayaca\u011f\u0131m. Bizim birle\u015fik cephe \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na nas\u0131l bakmam\u0131z gerekti\u011fi konusunda Mao\u2019nun bu konuda \u00c7in \u00f6zeline ili\u015fkin yaz\u0131lar\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli dersler \u00e7\u0131karabilir ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnya i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli olabilecek \u00e7e\u015fitli evrensel nitelikte baz\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131karabiliriz. Mao\u2019ya g\u00f6re di\u011fer siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerle birle\u015fmek ile onlara \u00f6nderlik etmek aras\u0131nda diyalektik bir ili\u015fki bulunur. Ayn\u0131 zamanda birle\u015fmek ile m\u00fccadele aras\u0131nda da diyalektik bir ili\u015fki bulunur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u0130RLE\u015eMEK VE \u00d6NDERL\u0130K<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

D\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fti\u011fimiz g\u00fc\u00e7lere \u00f6nderlik etmedi\u011fimiz takdirde bizim saflar\u0131m\u0131zda karga\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar bu nedenle Mao iki form\u00fcl \u00f6nerir birlik-m\u00fccadele-birlik ve m\u00fccadele-birlik- m\u00fccadele \u2026. Veya d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fti\u011fimiz ve birle\u015fti\u011fimiz kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131zdaki g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 uygun bir m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmedi\u011fimiz takdirde yine saflar\u0131m\u0131zda karga\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar ve devrime zarar verir. \u0130\u015fte \u201csol\u201d ve sa\u011f hatalar bu birle\u015fmede izlenen yanl\u0131\u015f politikalarla ilgilidir. Mao\u2019ya g\u00f6re biz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder, daha \u00f6zel olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ileri b\u00f6lmesini ifade eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130K\u0130 \u0130TT\u0130FAK VE M\u00dcTTEF\u0130KLERE KAR\u015eI M\u00dcCADELEDE \u0130K\u0130 FORM\u00dcL<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Birinci form\u00fcl (birlik-m\u00fccadele-birlik) devrime kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 bekledi\u011fimiz ve devrimden sonra kuraca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z iktidarda bizim \u00f6nderli\u011fimiz alt\u0131nda yer alabilecek \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 temsil eden siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lere, parti ve derneklere kar\u015f\u0131 uygulan\u0131r, ikinci form\u00fcl (m\u00fccadele-birlik- m\u00fccadele) ise devrime belirli bir d\u00f6nemde dolayl\u0131 destek veren s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u2014\u00e7al\u0131\u015fmayan s\u0131n\u0131flar– siyasi temsilcilerine kar\u015f\u0131 uygulan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ikincisi genellikle ulusal burjuvazi, toprak sahipler ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc temsil eden siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerle ile birle\u015fti\u011fimiz ko\u015fullarda uygulan\u0131r. Bunlarla birle\u015fmek istesek dahi, birle\u015fmenin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmadan, birle\u015fmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak bizim saflar\u0131m\u0131zda sorunlar \u00e7\u0131karabilir. Birle\u015fmenin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda gereken do\u011fru ad\u0131mlar\u0131 atmamak da hatal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mao, \u00c7in\u2019in ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 dikkate alarak \u015fu de\u011ferlendirmeyi yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: (1953 A\u011fustos) \u201c\u00c7in\u2019de \u201c\u0130ki birle\u015fik cephe ve iki t\u00fcr ittifak vard\u0131r. Birincisi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile \u00e7ift\u00e7ilerin ve kent k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisinin ittifak\u0131, bu temeldir. \u0130kincisi ise i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile ulusal burjuvazinin ittifak\u0131d\u0131r. Birinciler, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil, emek\u00e7i olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile bunlar aras\u0131ndaki ittifak uzun vadeli ittifakt\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MARKS\u0130ZMDE VE MARKS\u0130ST B\u0130L\u0130MSEL SOSYAL\u0130ZMDE \u0130K\u0130 T\u00dcR DO\u011eRU TEOR\u0130<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Marksist bilimsel sosyalizmin hazinesinde iki t\u00fcr do\u011fru teori bulunur, birincisi evrensel temel do\u011frular, ikincisi belirli \u00fclkelerin devrim ve sosyalizm in\u015fa prati\u011fi i\u00e7inde do\u011frulanm\u0131\u015f olan do\u011fru teoriler. Bu ikincisi Marksizmin temel evrensel do\u011frular\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fclkeye uygulanmas\u0131 ile ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan teorilerdir. Bu iki do\u011fru t\u00fcr\u00fc aras\u0131nda diyalektik ba\u011flar ve b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck bulunur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Biz Marksist bilimsel sosyalizmin temel evrensel do\u011frular\u0131n\u0131 kendi devrimimize uygulayarak kendi \u00fclkemizin Marksizmini ve kendi \u00fclkemizin bilimsel sosyalizmini in\u015fa ederiz. Kendi \u00fclkemizin bilimsel sosyalizmi kendi i\u00e7inde Marksizmin temel evrensel do\u011frular\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kendi \u00fclkemizin bilimsel sosyalizmi ayn\u0131 zamanda evrensel do\u011frular\u0131n\u0131n kendi devrimimize uygulanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu atn\u0131 zamanda Marksist felsefedeki evrensel ile tikel aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkidir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z siyasi partisine sahip olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi bir evrensel temel do\u011frudur. Burada kastedilen, asl\u0131nda  ideolojik, siyasi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Somutlarsak, Mao\u2018nun \u00c7in devrimi i\u00e7in geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u00c7in\u2019e \u00f6zg\u00fc birle\u015fik cephe teorisi ayn\u0131 zamanda Marksist bilimsel sosyalizmin temel evrensel do\u011frular\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erir, biz onun i\u00e7indeki evrensel olan y\u00f6n\u00fc al\u0131p kendi devrim prati\u011fimize uygulamal\u0131y\u0131z. Onu aynen al\u0131p uygulamak bizi hataya sevk eder, ayn\u0131 zamanda onun i\u00e7indeki evrensel olan y\u00f6nleri inkar etmek de bizi hataya s\u00fcr\u00fckler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u00c7\u0130NDE M\u00dcCADELE OLMAYAN B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K CEPHEY\u0130 GEL\u0130\u015eT\u0130REMEY\u0130Z<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

XXXXX gibi arkada\u015flar\u0131n konumu birinci ittifak i\u00e7ine girer bunlar k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi veya milli burjuvazi ile ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015famayan ayd\u0131n unsurlard\u0131r\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Biz, bu s\u0131n\u0131flardan gelen ayd\u0131n unsurlarla ve \u00e7e\u015fitli \u015fahsiyetlerle birle\u015firken ayn\u0131 zamanda onlar\u0131n hatal\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine de m\u00fccadele etmemiz gerekir, yoksa birle\u015fik cepheye \u00f6nderlik edemez, birle\u015fik cephe i\u00e7indeki ittifak\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendiremez ve devrimi zafere ula\u015ft\u0131ramay\u0131z. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve onun sosyalist partisi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir s\u0131n\u0131f birle\u015fik cepheye geli\u015ftiremez ve birle\u015fik cepheye \u00f6nderlik edemez. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de bir Marksist-sosyalist partinin kendi b\u00fcnyesinde bir birle\u015fik cephe departman\u0131 olmal\u0131. Bu departman d\u00f6nemin ko\u015fullar\u0131na g\u00f6re Birle\u015fik Cephe politikalar\u0131 belirlemeli, \u00c7KP\u2019nin di\u011fer devrim partilerinin politikalar\u0131ndaki evrensel olarak ge\u00e7erli olabilecek do\u011frular\u0131 ke\u015ffedip onu kendi devrim prati\u011fine uygulamal\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7KP\u2019N\u0130N \u00d6ZG\u00dcN B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K CEPHE G\u00d6R\u00dc\u015e\u00dc VE PRAT\u0130\u011e\u0130<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019in Yeni demokratik devrim d\u00f6neminde Birle\u015fik Cephe’nin kapsam\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, \u00e7ift\u00e7iler, kent k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisi, ulusal burjuvazi ve di\u011fer yurtseverlerden olu\u015fuyordu; devrimin belirli bir a\u015famas\u0131nda baz\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri ve b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de buna kat\u0131ld\u0131 (Japonya\u2019ya Kar\u015f\u0131 Direni\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 1937-1945 ). Bunlar aras\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 devrimin \u00f6nder s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 iken \u00e7ift\u00e7iler, \u015fehir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisi ve ulusal burjuvazi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcttefikiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019e \u00d6zg\u00fc Yeni Demokratik Devrim Yolunda \u0130ki \u0130ttifak<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

S\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 ittifaklar \u015fartlara g\u00f6re ikiye ayr\u0131l\u0131yordu: Birincisi, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kitleler yani \u00e7ift\u00e7iler, \u015fehir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisi ve devrimci ayd\u0131nlar, \u00f6zellikle de her zaman b\u00fcy\u00fck bir m\u00fcttefik olan \u00e7ift\u00e7iler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvenilir m\u00fcttefikleriydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci ittifak, ise i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapabilecek, tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 ve \u00f6nemli m\u00fcttefikler olan ulusal burjuvazi, ayd\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f e\u015fraf ve emek\u00e7i olmayan di\u011fer toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7lere mensup olan kitlelerdi. Bu, devrimci birle\u015fik cephede<\/strong> iki ittifak oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na geliyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

SOSYAL\u0130ZM\u0130N \u0130N\u015eASI D\u00d6NEM\u0130NDE \u0130K\u0130 \u0130TT\u0130FAK<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Yeni Demokratik devrim d\u00f6neminde \u00c7KP’nin birle\u015fik cephe \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndaki “iki ittifak” prati\u011finin derslerine dayanan Mao, “iki ittifak” kavram\u0131n\u0131 ilk kez 1953 A\u011fustos’unda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koydu : \u00c7in\u2019de \u201c\u0130ki birle\u015fik cephe ve iki t\u00fcr ittifak vard\u0131r. Birincisi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile \u00e7ift\u00e7ilerin ittifak\u0131, bu temeldir. \u0130kincisi ise i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile ulusal burjuvazinin ittifak\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7ift\u00e7iler s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil, emek\u00e7i olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ittifak\u0131 uzun vadeli ittifakt\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MAO\u2019DAN DAHA DETAYLI A\u00c7IKLAMA<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

1953 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Eyl\u00fcl ay\u0131nda Mao, \u00f6zellikle ikinci ittifak\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fini ve \u00c7in\u2019de sosyalizme haz\u0131rl\u0131k d\u00f6neminde  iki ittifak\u0131 daha da detayl\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131: \u201c\u00c7in’de iki ittifak vard\u0131r: Biri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ift\u00e7iler ile ittifak\u0131, ikincisi ise i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sonradan bizim taraf\u0131m\u0131za ge\u00e7en kapitalistler, profes\u00f6rler, \u00fcst d\u00fczey teknik personel, Kuomintang generalleri ile dini cemaat liderleri, demokratik siyasi partiler ve partisiz demokrat \u015fahsiyetlerle olan ittifak\u0131d\u0131r. Her iki ittifak da gereklidir ve \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde devam etmelidir.\u201d Ekim 1955’te Mao daha geli\u015fkin bir de\u011ferlendirme yapt\u0131: “\u0130ki ittifaktan birincisi yani bizim \u00e7ift\u00e7ilerle kurdu\u011fumuz ittifak asli, temel ve birincildir, burjuvazi ile ittifak\u0131m\u0131z ise ge\u00e7ici ve ikincildir. Bizimki gibi ekonomik olarak geri bir \u00fclke i\u00e7in bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ko\u015fullarda her iki ittifak da vazge\u00e7ilmezdir.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130K\u0130 T\u00dcR \u0130TT\u0130FAK ARASINDAK\u0130 D\u0130YALEKT\u0130K ETK\u0130LE\u015e\u0130M VE B\u0130RL\u0130K<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mao Zedung’un iki ittifak teorisi, \u00c7in’in sosyalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sorunsuz ilerlemesine \u00f6nderlik etmek ve zafer elde etmek i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir sihirli silaht\u0131. \u0130ki ittifak teorisi, 1956 y\u0131l\u0131nda sosyalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm temel ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 d\u00fczeyinde tamamland\u0131ktan ve ulusal burjuvazi m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirildikten sonra da Mao Zedung D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin \u00f6nemli bir unsuru oldu. \u00c7KP\u2019ye g\u00f6re Birle\u015fik Cephe’ye \u00f6nderlik etmek i\u00e7in, \u00c7KP bu iki ittifak aras\u0131ndaki diyalektik etkile\u015fimi do\u011fru bir \u015fekilde ele almak durumundayd\u0131:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birincisi, Birle\u015fik Cephe’nin ger\u00e7ekten temeli ve dayana\u011f\u0131 haline gelebilmesi i\u00e7in birinci ittifak\u0131n geli\u015fmesini ve g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesini sa\u011flamak; ikinci g\u00f6revimiz ise ikinci ittifak\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca geni\u015fletmek, birle\u015ftirilebilecek t\u00fcm g\u00fc\u00e7leri birle\u015ftirmek; \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc g\u00f6revimiz de, birbirlerini destekleyebilmeleri i\u00e7in her iki ittifak\u0131n da rollerini tam anlam\u0131yla oynamas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7KP BUG\u00dcN DE B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K CEPHE \u00c7ALI\u015eMASINI VE \u0130K\u0130 \u0130TT\u0130FAK TEOR\u0130S\u0130N\u0130 S\u00dcRD\u00dcR\u00dcYOR<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7KP bug\u00fcn de yeni tarihsel ko\u015fullarda iki ittifak teorisini ba\u015far\u0131yla uyguluyor, fakat \u00c7in\u2019de 1990\u2019lardan itibaren 30 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde toplumsal yap\u0131da \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fimler ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f, iki t\u00fcr ittifak da de\u011fi\u015fim ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir. \u00c7in\u2019de bug\u00fcn ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki s\u0131n\u0131f ve bir yeni toplumsal tabaka bulunuyor. Yeni toplumsal tabakalar 3 alt toplumsal gruba ayr\u0131l\u0131yor: a)her t\u00fcrden serbest meslek sahipleri (avukat, muhasebeci, reklamc\u0131, d\u00fckkanc\u0131lar v.b); b) kamu-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 yerli ve yabanc\u0131 sermayeli i\u015fletmelerin \u00fcst d\u00fczey y\u00f6neticileri; c) kendi \u015firketleri ve sermayeleri ile i\u015f yapan \u00f6zel giri\u015fimciler. Bu yeni toplumsal tabakalar, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ko\u015fullarda izlenen geni\u015f yurtsever ve sosyalist birle\u015fik cephenin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu cephenin politik temeli sosyalizm ve yurtseverliktir. Bu d\u00f6nemdeki yurtsever birle\u015fik cephe iki politik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi y\u00fcksek tutmaktad\u0131r: Sosyalizm ve Yurtseverlik.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BUG\u00dcNK\u00dc B\u0130R\u0130NC\u0130 T\u00dcR \u0130TT\u0130FAK<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn, birinci ittifak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birincisi, \u00e7ift\u00e7ilerle, ayd\u0131nlarla, t\u00fcm \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlarla: ikincisi \u00fclke i\u00e7inde sosyalizm projesini in\u015fa eden yeni toplumsal tabakalarla, bunlara ilaveten \u00fclke i\u00e7indeki t\u00fcm yurtsever ki\u015fi, grup, parti, dernek, dini ve etnik cemaatlerle ittifak\u0131d\u0131r. Birinci ittifak i\u00e7inde en \u00f6nemli ve en temel olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ift\u00e7ilerle, ayd\u0131nlarla, t\u00fcm \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlarla olan ittifak ili\u015fkisidir. \u00c7KP\u2019nin politik s\u00f6zl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bunlara sosyalist \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar kolektifi ad\u0131 verilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn ikinci ittifak, daha \u00f6nce 16. Y\u00fczy\u0131ldan itibaren \u00c7in\u2019den ayr\u0131l\u0131p yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelere yerle\u015fmi\u015f veya Tayvan, Hong Kong ve Makao\u2019da ya\u015fayan \u00c7in\u2019i destekleyen yurtseverlerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

YURTSEVER B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K CEPHE \u0130\u00c7\u0130NDE YEN\u0130 TOPLUMSAL TABAKALARA KAR\u015eI TUTUM<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

2000\u2019lerden itibaren, \u00c7KP\u2019nin politik s\u00f6zl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bu gruba, sosyalizmin in\u015fac\u0131lar\u0131 ad\u0131 verilmektedir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunmaktad\u0131r: bunlar kamu-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u015fletmelerinin giri\u015fimcileri ve teknisyenleri, yabanc\u0131 sermayeli i\u015fletmelerde istihdam edilen \u00fcst d\u00fczey y\u00f6netim ve teknik personel, serbest meslek sahipleri, avukat, muhasebeci, reklamc\u0131, d\u00fckkanc\u0131lar, \u00f6zel i\u015fletme sahipleri, arac\u0131l\u0131k yapan kurulu\u015flar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 gibi \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli gruplar\u0131 kapsar. Birle\u015fik Cephe \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bu gruplara y\u00f6nelik siyasi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli hedefleri aras\u0131nda: onlar\u0131n sosyalizme olan g\u00fcven ve inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmek, Partiye ve h\u00fck\u00fcmete olan g\u00fcvenlerini artt\u0131rmak, halk\u0131n g\u00fcvenece\u011fi tarzda i\u015fletmeler y\u00f6netmelerini ve toplumsal prestijlerini zarara sokmayacak \u015fekilde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak, yasalara uygun d\u00fcr\u00fcst ve etik normlar i\u00e7inde faaliyet g\u00f6stermelerini sa\u011flamak, \u00e7e\u015fitli yollarla siyasi kat\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ve siyasi \u00f6neriler getirmelerini sa\u011flamak, toplumsal sorumluluk ve toplumsal dayan\u0131\u015fma ile ilgili vak\u0131f faaliyetlerine kat\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak ve iyi nitelikli in\u015fac\u0131lar olmalar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almakt\u0131r.   <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BUG\u00dcN YURTSEVER SOSZYAL\u0130ST B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K CEPHEN\u0130N 12 HEDEF GRUBU <\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

(i) 8 Demokratik Partilerin \u00fcyeleri<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(ii) Herhangi bir partiye \u00fcye olmayan partisiz \u015fahsiyetler<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(iii) \u00c7KP \u00fcyesi olmayan ayd\u0131nlar<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(iv) Etnik az\u0131nl\u0131k milliyetler<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(v) Dini cemaatler<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(vi) Kamu sekt\u00f6r\u00fc d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki ekonomik akt\u00f6rler (\u00d6zel sekt\u00f6r giri\u015fimcileri)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(vii) Yeni toplumsal tabakalar denilen tabakalar\u0131n \u00fcyeleri;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(viii) Yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rmekte olan ve \u00f6\u011frenimini g\u00f6r\u00fcp geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f olan \u00f6\u011frenciler<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(ix) Hong Kong b\u00f6lgesi yurtta\u015flar\u0131 ve Makao b\u00f6lgesi yurtta\u015flar\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(x) Tayvan yurtta\u015flar\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n ana karadaki akrabalar\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(xi) Yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00c7inliler, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f olan \u00c7inliler ve onlar\u0131n akrabalar\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(xii) Bizimle temas kurmaya ve birlikte hareket etmeye gereksinim duyan di\u011fer ki\u015filer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kaynak: \u00c7in B\u00fcy\u00fck Marksizm S\u00f6zl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden Yararlan\u0131larak Yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/strong>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Birle\u015fik Cephe: Mao\u2019da ve Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019de Birle\u015fik Cephe \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n Politikalar\u0131, Bir Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7inin Sorular\u0131na Yan\u0131t Cem K\u0131z\u0131l\u00e7e\u00e7- Selma \u00d6zkan Biz diye yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re size bir Marksist bilimsel sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i veya s\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00e7li bir i\u015f\u00e7i olarak yan\u0131tlayaca\u011f\u0131m. Bizim birle\u015fik cephe \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na nas\u0131l bakmam\u0131z gerekti\u011fi konusunda Mao\u2019nun bu konuda \u00c7in \u00f6zeline ili\u015fkin yaz\u0131lar\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli dersler \u00e7\u0131karabilir ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnya i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3631","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-klasikler","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3631","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=3631"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3631\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3632,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3631\/revisions\/3632"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=3631"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=3631"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=3631"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}