{"id":4586,"date":"2024-10-12T10:31:21","date_gmt":"2024-10-12T10:31:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=4586"},"modified":"2024-10-12T10:31:21","modified_gmt":"2024-10-12T10:31:21","slug":"kapitalizm-degerlendirmesi-varoufakis-ve-arkadaslarinin-tekno-feodalizm-gorusu-ve-elestiriler","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=4586","title":{"rendered":"Kapitalizm De\u011ferlendirmesi: Varoufakis ve Arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n Tekno-Feodalizm G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve Ele\u015ftiriler"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Kapitalizm De\u011ferlendirmesi: Varoufakis ve Arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n <\/strong>Tekno-Feodalizm G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve Ele\u015ftiriler<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Ali Alt\u0131nta\u015f  Mart 2024<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Literat\u00fcrde her ne kadar \u2018neo-feodalizm\u2019 kavram\u0131na evvelki ony\u0131llarda rastlansa da son birka\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin ba\u015fka bir a\u015famaya ge\u00e7ti\u011fini imlemek ve hatta bunun bir tarihsel bir kopu\u015f anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fini vurgulamak i\u00e7in \u2018tekno-feodalizm\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n dola\u015f\u0131ma girdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Kavram\u0131 ortaya atanlar ve ele\u015ftiricileri aras\u0131nda, dev teknoloji platformlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle birlikte sermayenin birikim s\u00fcrecinde \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 hususunda bir konsensus mevcuttur. Ayr\u0131\u015fma, Varoufakis\u2019in (2023) kitab\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da (Techno-Feudalism: What Killed Capitalism)<\/em> i\u015faret etti\u011fi \u00fczere bu \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin kapitalizmden -farkl\u0131 bir isimlendirmeye gerek duyacak kadar- \u015fiddetli bir kopu\u015fu temsil edip etmedi\u011fi \u00fczerinedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1970\u2019lerden itibaren finansalla\u015fman\u0131n derinle\u015ferek ilerlemesinin finansal rantlar\u0131, kapitalist \u00fcretimdeki s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcden ileri gelen k\u00e2rlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi ve art\u0131k kapitalizmin ana ekseninin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc de\u011fil el koyma-m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme oldu\u011funa y\u00f6nelik tahliller yap\u0131lagelmi\u015ftir. (Harvey, 2004) Sadece bu a\u00e7\u0131dan olmamakla birlikte \u2018kapitalizm\u2019e art\u0131k \u2018neoliberalizm\u2019 denmesi de bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmle ve bir sonucu olarak \u00fcretimde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan durgunlukla bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde alakal\u0131d\u0131r. Fakat bu yorumlarda Marks\u2019\u0131n \u2018ilkel birikim\u2019 olarak ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn piyasa-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 el koyma bi\u00e7imlerinin kapitalist \u00fcretimde art\u0131-de\u011fere el konulmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sistemin i\u015fleyi\u015fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ancak ikincil bir rol\u00fc oldu\u011funa dair bir kabul\u00fcn izleri vard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla el koyma-m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, tarihsel s\u0131ralamaya sokuldu\u011funda kapitalist a\u015famaya \u00f6ncel, e\u015fzamanl\u0131 olarak ilerledi\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ise kapitalizme d\u0131\u015fsal olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcden kaynaklanan k\u00e2r\u0131n el koymadan kaynaklanan ranta \u00fcst\u00fcn gelip birikim s\u00fcrecinin ana eksenini olu\u015fturmas\u0131na \u2018kapitalizm\u2019 deniyorsa d\u0131\u015fsal olan rant\u0131n bask\u0131n hale geli\u015fine, hatta k\u00e2ra tur bindirmesine \u2018tekno-feodalizm\u2019 gibi farkl\u0131 kavramlarla yan\u0131t verme aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 bu mant\u0131kla ilerletilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zellikle 2008 krizinden sonra \u2018too big to fail\u2019, yani k\u00fcresel piyasan\u0131n belkemi\u011fi olarak tan\u0131mlanan devasa \u015firketleri kurtarma \u00f6nlemleri, devlet hazinelerindeki kaynaklara h\u00fck\u00fcmetin yeniden-da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m kararlar\u0131yla el koyman\u0131n \u2018yenilik\u00e7i\u2019 yat\u0131r\u0131m dinamiklerini bast\u0131rma d\u00fczeyini dramatik bi\u00e7imde artt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu durumun doludizgin ilerleyen finansalla\u015fman\u0131n \u00e7arp\u0131k etkilerinin katlanmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir yol ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 belirginle\u015ftirdi\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmek zordur. Esas k\u0131r\u0131lma Apple, Google, Microsoft, Facebook, Amazon gibi \u015firketlerin dijital varl\u0131klar\u0131 sayesinde herhangi bir kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecine d\u00e2hil olmadan ve kullan\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n verilerini algoritmalar yoluyla \u00e7ekerek tekelci rantsal geni\u015fleme imk\u00e2nlar\u0131na kavu\u015fmalar\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6z konusu yeniden-da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m politikalar\u0131n\u0131n bu k\u0131r\u0131lmadaki belirgin etkisi ise say\u0131lan \u015firketlerin teknolojik yat\u0131r\u0131m kapasitelerini alabildi\u011fine artt\u0131rmas\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Peki, bu s\u00fcrecin ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kimi entelekt\u00fceller i\u00e7in rant\u0131n bask\u0131n birikim bi\u00e7imi haline gelmesinin yan\u0131nda \u2018feodalizm\u2019i and\u0131ran y\u00f6nleri nelerdir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mesela Apple veya Google\u2019\u0131n kullan\u0131c\u0131 geri beslemeli, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kendisini bu veriler \u00fczerinden otomatik olarak g\u00fcncelleyen ve geni\u015fleten IOS veya Android i\u015fletim tabanl\u0131 bulut platformlar\u0131 mevcuttur. Kapitalist \u015firketlerin -yaz\u0131l\u0131m alan\u0131nda faaliyet g\u00f6sterenler ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 giri\u015fimciler dahil- mevzubahis platformlarda yer alma mecburiyeti hissettikleri ve bunun i\u00e7in de platform \u00fczerinden sa\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131 gelirlerden bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 Apple ve Google\u2019a rant olarak aktard\u0131klar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Apple\u2019\u0131n tekelci platformuna kar\u015f\u0131 ne Sony ne de ba\u015fka bir telefon \u00fcreticisi meydan okuyabilmi\u015ftir. Bu meydan okumay\u0131 ancak Apple\u2019\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi telefonlar d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm markalar\u0131 ayn\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131 alt\u0131nda birle\u015ftirerek ikinci bir tekelci platform olarak kullan\u0131c\u0131 verilerini toplama ve onlar\u0131 i\u015fleyebilme maliyetlerini kar\u015f\u0131layabilen Google yapabilmi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Varoufakis\u2019e g\u00f6re, en \u00f6nde gelen telefon \u00fcreticileri dahi ranta dayanan platformlara sahip olamad\u0131klar\u0131ndan sermaye birikimleri yaln\u0131zca \u00fcrettikleri telefonlar\u0131n sat\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan gelecek k\u00e2rlara dayanacakt\u0131r. Bu da onlar\u0131, GooglePlay i\u00e7in yaz\u0131l\u0131m tasarlayan \u015firketlerin ba\u015f\u0131na geldi\u011fi gibi feodal s\u00fczeren olarak en tepede yer alan Google\u2019\u0131n \u2018vassal\u2019lar\u0131 haline getirir. (Varoufakis, 2023: 112-121) Bu a\u015famada Google\u2019\u0131n vassallar\u0131 olan kapitalist \u015firketlerde \u00fcretim yapan i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00fcretimde en u\u00e7 noktas\u0131na g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6zetim teknikleri ile bulut proleslerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrken, Android telefon kullanan b\u00fct\u00fcn bireyler ise \u2018emek g\u00fcc\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn haricinde kendilerinde emek olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek ne varsa1<\/sup> Google\u2019a veri kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak sunduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in bulut serfleri haline gelirler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla platform \u00fczerinde yer alarak k\u00e2r elde eden \u015firketlere Google taraf\u0131ndan dijital fiyefler da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir. (Varoufakis, 2023: 78-85)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Platformlar\u0131n teknoloji geli\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 da \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimine, k\u00e2r maksimizasyonuna de\u011fil; piyasa rekabetine ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k olarak i\u015fleyen \u2018el koyma\u2019n\u0131n kapsam\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesine -yani bir nevi dijital fethe-, rant maksimizasyonuna kanalize edilir. Bulut serfleri, bu platformlar\u0131n kullan\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 olmama tercihine sahiplerdir. Ancak bu durum sosyal izolasyonla sonu\u00e7lanacakt\u0131r ve derebeylerinden kurtulmak i\u00e7in ka\u00e7an serflerin izole bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 \u00fczerinde ya\u015famak zorunda kalmas\u0131 ile benze\u015fir. (Durand, 2020: 156-161) Kapitalist vassallar\u0131n ise Apple veya Google s\u00fczereninden birine tabi olmas\u0131 gerekir ve \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f maliyetlerinin y\u00fcksekli\u011fi bu iki s\u00fczeren aras\u0131nda tabiyet de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi yapmay\u0131 dahi engeller. Piyasaya eri\u015fim i\u00e7in vazge\u00e7ilmez hale gelmi\u015f olan bu platformlar, kendilerine rant\u0131 aktarmayan veya hiyerar\u015fik ili\u015fkiye ayk\u0131r\u0131 davranan kapitalist \u015firketlerin \u00fczerlerine vergi memurlar\u0131 ve askerler g\u00f6ndermek yerine, platform \u00fczerindeki bir web adresini tek hamleyle kald\u0131rarak feodal y\u00f6netim haklar\u0131n\u0131 kullan\u0131rlar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc gizlilik anla\u015fmalar\u0131, rekabet etmeme kurallar\u0131, zorunlu tahkim gibi tekelci yollarla devletlerin d\u00fczenleyici mevzuatlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015farak kamu hukukunun yerine parsellenmi\u015f egemenli\u011fin hukukunu koymaktad\u0131rlar. (Dean, 2022)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Durand\u2019a g\u00f6re teknolojik verimlilik ve inovasyondaki b\u00fcy\u00fck ilerlemeler fetih\u00e7i, ya\u011fmac\u0131 birikim d\u00fczeni i\u00e7in bir engel te\u015fkil etmek bir yana onu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan neticeler \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. (Durand, 2020: 164) Buradaki en can al\u0131c\u0131 husus, bu t\u00fcr platformlar\u0131n algoritmalar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kullan\u0131c\u0131lardan -ve hatta k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 platformlara aktaran \u015firketlerden- elde edilen farkl\u0131 t\u00fcrde verilerin yine algoritmalar taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7aprazlanmas\u0131 yoluyla mevcut algoritmik kapasiteyi s\u00fcrekli daha etkili hale getirecek s\u0131f\u0131r maliyetli bir d\u00f6ng\u00fcsellik yaratm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. (Varoufakis, 2022) Bunlar birer ekosistem olarak kullan\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n sosyal alanlar\u0131n\u0131n farkl\u0131 y\u00f6nlerine onlar\u0131n g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc faaliyetleri sayesinde el koyarken, total sosyal alan\u0131 kontrol etme kapasitesini de aral\u0131ks\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde geni\u015fletirler. (Durand, 2022: 33-38)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yukar\u0131da anlat\u0131lan hik\u00e2yenin bir kopu\u015f de\u011fil genel hatlar\u0131 itibariyle yaln\u0131zca kapitalizmin ba\u015fka bir faza ge\u00e7i\u015fi anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fi ve kapitalizmin \u00f6n\u00fcne bir s\u0131fat getirilerek2<\/sup> de isimlendirilebilece\u011fi, bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra feodalizmle kurulan benzetmelerin uygun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde teorik itirazlar geli\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Tekno-feodalizm tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki kanaatimizi ortaya koymadan evvel bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere de k\u0131saca yer vermek istiyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

TEKNO FEODAL\u0130ZME ELE\u015eT\u0130R\u0130LER<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marks\u2019\u0131n \u2018ilkel birikim\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Harvey\u2019in daha yak\u0131n d\u00f6neme uyarlamak i\u00e7in \u2018m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla birikim\u2019 dedi\u011fi, \u2018el koyma\u2019, \u2018ya\u011fma\u2019, \u2018temell\u00fck\u2019 gibi kavramlarla da kar\u015f\u0131lanan ve kapitalist \u00fcretime de\u011fil ranta dayanan sermaye birikimi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin kapitalizme d\u0131\u015fsal bir nitelik arz etti\u011fi kabul\u00fc, kopu\u015f-devaml\u0131l\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n merkezinde yer almaktad\u0131r. Morozov\u2019a g\u00f6re, kapitalizmi \u00fcretimdeki s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ile el koyma olarak ikiye ay\u0131rmak ve birinciye kapitalizmin karakterini temsil eden unsur g\u00f6z\u00fcyle yakla\u015fmak, el koyman\u0131n algoritmalar yoluyla sistematik geni\u015fleme olanaklar\u0131na kavu\u015ftu\u011fu bir d\u00f6nemi kapitalizmden uzakla\u015fmak olarak de\u011ferlendirmeyi beraberinde getirmi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri geli\u015ftiren, yenilik\u00e7i ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcre\u00e7leri dramatik bi\u00e7imde azal\u0131rken rant\u00e7\u0131, y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131, ya\u011fmac\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lere b\u00fcy\u00fck inovasyon yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 yap\u0131l\u0131r. Morozov, bu kopu\u015f\u00e7u yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ikincille\u015fmesine a\u011f\u0131t yakmak anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fi konusunda uyar\u0131r. (Morozov, 2022) \u00d6te yandan, 1950\u2019lerden itibaren \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya \u00fclkeleri merkezli y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n kapitalizmin bu ikili karakterini daha iyi tespit etti\u011fi kanaatindedir; Bu \u00fclkelerin kapitalist entegrasyonunda bask\u0131n olan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc de\u011fil, geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist merkezlerin ve yereldeki temsilcisi olan sermaye kesiminin el koyma faaliyetleri olmu\u015ftur. (Morozov, 2023)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u0131f\u0131r maliyetli algoritmik rantsal geli\u015fme tespitine de itiraz eden Morozov, mevzubahis \u015firketlerin astronomik miktarlarda ara\u015ft\u0131rma geli\u015ftirme b\u00fct\u00e7eleri bulundu\u011funu, bunun yan\u0131nda maddi altyap\u0131 olarak devasa veri merkezlerini ve deniz alt\u0131 d\u00e2hil k\u00fcresel fiziksel a\u011flar\u0131 finanse etmelerinin gerekti\u011fini belirttir. (Morozov, 2023) Harris\u2019e g\u00f6reyse, s\u00f6z konusu veri merkezlerinin ve aralar\u0131ndaki fiziki a\u011flar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu birer finans kurumlar\u0131 olan gayr\u0131menkul yat\u0131r\u0131m ortakl\u0131klar\u0131na aittir ve onlara rant aktarmak zorunda olan feodal s\u00fczeren olarak en tepede yer ald\u0131klar\u0131 iddia edilen bulut platformlar\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla dijitalle\u015fme bu altyap\u0131sal ili\u015fkilerden ve maliyetlerden kopuk olarak de\u011ferlendirildi\u011fi i\u00e7in bu d\u00fczeyde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen kapitalist rekabet g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. \u00dcstelik platform sahibi teknoloji devlerinin kendilerini pazarlamak i\u00e7in yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018her\u015feyi ku\u015fatan, rakipsiz, kaybetmesi imk\u00e2ns\u0131z sanal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckler\u2019 imaj\u0131 olguymu\u015f gibi kabul edildi\u011finden bu \u015firketlerin piyasa g\u00fc\u00e7leri ve tekelci geli\u015fimleri gere\u011finden fazla abart\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Dahas\u0131, platform devlerinin d\u00f6nemsel iddialar\u0131 \u00fczerinden teorik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler de s\u00fcrekli revize edilmektedir. (Harris, 2022) Bu platformlar aras\u0131ndaki daha fazla kullan\u0131c\u0131 kapmak i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen yar\u0131\u015f da Varoufakis\u2019in \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi feodal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma anlam\u0131na gelmemektedir. Snow\u2019a g\u00f6re Facebook\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 Tiktok\u2019un \u2018kullan\u0131c\u0131 dostu\u2019 y\u00fckseli\u015finin veya Netflix\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 Disneyplus\u2019\u0131n farkl\u0131 i\u00e7eriklerle piyasa giri\u015finin Pepsi ile Cocacola aras\u0131ndaki kapitalist rekabetten nitelik olarak farkl\u0131 oldu\u011funu iddia etmek i\u00e7in herhangi bir sebep yoktur. (Snow, 2023)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E\u011fer h\u00e2lihaz\u0131rdaki \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131 kapitalizm olarak de\u011fil de neo-feodalizm veya tekno-feodalizm olarak tan\u0131mlarsak, buna y\u00f6nelik verilmesi ve ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131 beklenen toplumsal m\u00fccadelenin teorisi, akt\u00f6rleri ve y\u00f6ntemleri de de\u011fi\u015fecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, Varoufakis tekno-feodal derebeylere kar\u015f\u0131 bulut serflerinin, bulut proleslerinin ve kapitalist vassallar\u0131n ittifak\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nermektedir. Aralar\u0131nda kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkisi olan proleslerle (\u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130LER) kapitalistlerin nas\u0131l yan yana gelebilece\u011fi bir muamma oldu\u011fu gibi, bu t\u00fcr bir yakla\u015f\u0131m kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u015fimdiye dek geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f teorik-politik m\u00fccadele ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n az\u0131msanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7acakt\u0131r. \u00dcstelik bu m\u00fccadelenin hedefi Adam Smith\u2019in \u2018y\u00fcz\u00fc pudral\u0131 ve peruklu\u2019, giri\u015fimci ve yenilik\u00e7i kapitalizmine geri d\u00f6nmek, kapitalist vassallar \u00fczerindeki tekno-feodal zincirleri k\u0131rmak, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc ve k\u00e2r\u0131 \u2018el koyma\u2019ya ve ranta yeniden bask\u0131n k\u0131lma oldu\u011funa g\u00f6re emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisini geri plana ataca\u011f\u0131 da kesindir. (Bellemare, 2023)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marksist yaz\u0131nda feodalizmi bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi olarak de\u011fil de bir siyasal-hukuksal-toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck olarak ele alman\u0131n siyasi ve hukuki yap\u0131lar, bi\u00e7imler \u00fczerinden feodal-gayr\u0131feodal at\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 pek \u00e7ok kez vurgulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu minvalde, kapitalizmin g\u00fcncel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc bir t\u00fcr feodalizmle a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlarda g\u00f6zlenen temel bir yan\u0131lg\u0131 da bulut platformlar\u0131n\u0131n devletlerin otoritelerini, hukuki d\u00fczenlemelerini a\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve siyasal g\u00fc\u00e7 temerk\u00fcz etmelerini k\u00fcresel derebeyliklere do\u011fru g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir meyillenme olarak yorumlamalar\u0131d\u0131r.  Bu t\u00fcr g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler de yine platform \u015firketlerinin i\u015fleyi\u015flerinin sistematik do\u011fas\u0131ndan kaynaklanan muazzam tekelle\u015fme e\u011filimlerinin kapitalizme d\u0131\u015fsal oldu\u011funa dair varsay\u0131mlardan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mevcut tekelle\u015fme \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc, mesela k\u00fcresel tedarik zincirlerine h\u00fckmederek, \u00fcretimi ta\u015feron \u015firketleri \u00fczerinden tamamen \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00fclkelerine kayd\u0131rarak devasa rant ak\u0131\u015flar\u0131 sa\u011flayan \u2018neoliberal tekel\u2019 \u015firketlerinden3<\/sup> ay\u0131ran temel hususun yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 sanal ekosistem oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Otomatik olarak \u00e7ekilen veri y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n algoritmalar vas\u0131tas\u0131yla yine otomatik olarak i\u015flenmesi ve kullan\u0131c\u0131lara d\u00f6nerek \u2013tekrar veri \u00e7ekmek \u00fczere- \u015fekillendirmesi d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc bu ekosistemlerin temel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Tekno-feodalizm teorisyenleri genelde vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n aksine, rant\u0131n k\u00e2ra bask\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve sermaye birikiminde ana eksen haline geldi\u011fini vurgulamak bir kopu\u015f anlat\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in yeterli de\u011fildir. Bulut platformu sistemati\u011finin kapitalizmin daha \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemlerindeki tekelci e\u011filimlerden tekno-feodal bir kopu\u015fu temsil etti\u011fi iddias\u0131 ifrat ise, kapitalizmin ortodoks Marksist analizin \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bi\u00e7imde s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ekseni \u00fczerinden yoluna devam etti\u011fi iddias\u0131 da a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 abart\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcresel kapitalizmde bulut platformlar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesiyle derin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131, kapitalizmin rant\u00e7\u0131 ve y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 karakterinin belirginle\u015fti\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ANT\u0130-KAP\u0130TAL\u0130ST SOSYAL\u0130ST ELE\u015eT\u0130R\u0130<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak neoliberalizm nas\u0131l kapitalizmin d\u00f6nemsel bir adland\u0131rmas\u0131 ise neo-feodalizm ve tekno-feodalizm de en iyi ihtimalle kapitalizmin g\u00fcncel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131mlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan talihsiz ve ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z bir kavram olacakt\u0131r. Bu kavram daha \u00e7ok kamusal dikkatleri \u00e7ekerek s\u00f6z konusu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme dair tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n pop\u00fclerle\u015fmesi ve hararetlenmesini sa\u011flamaya d\u00f6n\u00fck bir manivela i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu durum 2016\u2019da \u0130ngiltere\u2019de Oxford Dictionaries taraf\u0131ndan y\u0131l\u0131n kelimesi se\u00e7ilen \u2018post-truth\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n kitle ileti\u015fimi ve siyasal ileti\u015fim a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir kopu\u015fu imliyor gibi sunulmas\u0131na benzetilebilir. Kamusal alan\u0131n zihinsel manip\u00fclasyonunu ifade eden insanl\u0131k tarihi kadar eski \u2018retorik\u2019, modern \u2018propaganda\u2019 ve postmodern \u2018alg\u0131 y\u00f6netimi\u2019 kavramlar\u0131 mevcutken \u2018post-truth\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n bir milad\u0131 i\u015faret ediyor gibi pazarlanmas\u0131, kitle ileti\u015fiminin B\u00fcy\u00fck Veri (Big Data) ve algoritmalar yoluyla dizayn\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekerek sa\u011f-pop\u00fclizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 k\u00fcresel bir tart\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flatma amac\u0131na hizmet etmi\u015ftir. Tekno-feodalizm kavram\u0131 da \u2018\u015fok efekti\u2019ni beraberinde getirerek Varoufakis\u2019in internette d\u00f6nen vidyolar\u0131na g\u00f6zlerin d\u00f6nmesini, mevzubahis d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmle ilgili tart\u0131\u015fmaya daha fazla \u2018bulut platformu kullan\u0131c\u0131s\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kulak vermesini sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak bunu ba\u015fard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kapitalizmin ekonomi-politi\u011fi hakk\u0131nda kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rarak ve teorik belirsizlikler yaratarak emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisine dayal\u0131 anti-kapitalist muhalefeti ve uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczlemdeki ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerinin reddine dayanan anti-emperyalist muhalefeti anti-bulut platformculu\u011fa hapsetme riski ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. T\u00fcm bulut platformlar\u0131na k\u00fcresel m\u00fccadele yoluyla diz \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fcr\u00fclse de, kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 ve algoritmalara dayanan veri tekelcili\u011finde radikal bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece eski oyuncular\u0131n yerlerine ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta daha g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz olan yenileri gelecek ve zamanla diz \u00e7\u00f6kenlerin sosyal alan\u0131 manip\u00fcle etme g\u00fcc\u00fcne eri\u015feceklerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u0130PNOTLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

(1) <\/strong>Varoufakis emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesi s\u00fcre\u00e7leri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda insan hayat\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan b\u00fct\u00fcn eylemleri \u2018deneyimsel emek\u2019 kavram\u0131 alt\u0131nda birle\u015ftirmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(2)<\/strong> \u00d6nerilen alternatifler epeyce fazlad\u0131r; rant\u00e7\u0131 kapitalizm, dijital kapitalizm, platform kapitalizmi, hiper-kapitalizm, algoritmik kapitalizm, bili\u015fsel kapitalizm, ileti\u015fimsel kapitalizm, veri kapitalizmi, s\u00fcrt\u00fcnmesiz kapitalizm, enformasyonel kapitalizm, yar\u0131-kapitalizm, g\u00f6zetim kapitalizmi, sibernetik kapitalizmi veya sanal kapitalizm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(3)<\/strong> Elbette Wallmart gibi k\u00fcresel tedarik zincirlerine h\u00fckmeden \u015firketler de bir a\u015famadan sonra dijital d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirerek bulut platformu haline gelmi\u015flerdir veya bu yolda ilerlemektedirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

KAYNAK\u00c7A<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

BELLEMARE, Michel Luc (2023), \u201cTechno-Capitalist-Feudalism is Malthusian to the Core!\u201d; https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/105425492<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

DEAN, Jodi (2022) \u201cSame As It Ever Was?\u201d, 6 May 2022; https:\/\/newleftreview.org\/sidecar\/posts\/same-as-it-ever-was<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

DURAND, Cedric (2020) Techno-f\u00e9odalisme: Critique de l\u2019\u00e9conomie num\u00e9rique, <\/em>Zones<\/p>\n\n\n\n

DURAND, Cedrid (2022) \u201cScouting Capital\u2019s Frontiers\u201d, July\/August 2022; https:\/\/newleftreview.org\/issues\/ii136\/articles\/cedric-durand-scouting-capital-s-frontiers<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

HARRIS, Malcolm (2022) \u201cAre We Living Under \u2018Technofeudalism\u2019?\u201d, 28 October 2023; https:\/\/nymag.com\/intelligencer\/2022\/10\/what-is-technofeudalism.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

HARVEY, David (2004) \u201cYeni Emperyalizm: M\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fme Yoluyla Birikim\u201d, (\u00e7ev.) Evren Mehmet Din\u00e7er; http:\/\/www.praksis.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2011\/07\/011-02.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

MOROZOV, Evgeny (2022) Interview with Daniel Denvir: \u201cNo, It\u2019s Not Techno-Feudalism. It\u2019s Still Capitalism\u201d;\u00a0https:\/\/jacobin.com\/2023\/04\/evgeny-morozov-critique-of-techno-feudalism-modes-of-production-capitalism<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

MOROZOV, Evgeny (2023) \u201cCritique of Techno-Feudal Reason\u201d; https:\/\/newleftreview.org\/issues\/ii133\/articles\/evgeny-morozov-critique-of-techno-feudal-reason<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

SNOW, Henry (2023) \u201cWe\u2019re Still Living Under Capitalism, Not Techno-Feudalism\u201d, https:\/\/jacobin.com\/2023\/10\/cloud-capitalism-technofeudalism-serfs-cloud-big-data-yanis-varoufakis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

VAROUFAK\u0130S, Yanis (2022) Conversation with Evgeny Morozov: \u201cCrypto & the Left, and Techno-Feudalism\u201d;\u00a0https:\/\/the-crypto-syllabus.com\/yanis-varoufakis-on-techno-feudalism\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

VAROUFAK\u0130S, Yanis (2023) Techno-Feudalism: What Killed Capitalism; <\/em>https:\/\/vk.com\/doc399904795_670018278?hash=zXgk49JlqMhNp8DzCiC3DDxHGSq0BnVNWkMgodxRZjH<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kapitalizm De\u011ferlendirmesi: Varoufakis ve Arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n Tekno-Feodalizm G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve Ele\u015ftiriler Ali Alt\u0131nta\u015f  Mart 2024 Literat\u00fcrde her ne kadar \u2018neo-feodalizm\u2019 kavram\u0131na evvelki ony\u0131llarda rastlansa da son birka\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin ba\u015fka bir a\u015famaya ge\u00e7ti\u011fini imlemek ve hatta bunun bir tarihsel bir kopu\u015f anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fini vurgulamak i\u00e7in \u2018tekno-feodalizm\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131n dola\u015f\u0131ma girdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Kavram\u0131 ortaya atanlar ve ele\u015ftiricileri aras\u0131nda, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4586","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-kapitalizm"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4586","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4586"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4586\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4587,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4586\/revisions\/4587"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4586"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4586"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4586"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}