{"id":4918,"date":"2025-01-08T00:06:09","date_gmt":"2025-01-08T00:06:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=4918"},"modified":"2025-01-15T12:14:07","modified_gmt":"2025-01-15T12:14:07","slug":"sosyalist-iktisatci-korkut-boratav-cinde-kolektif-mulkiyet-iliskileri-hakim-konumda","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=4918","title":{"rendered":"Sosyalist \u0130ktisat\u00e7\u0131 Korkut Boratav: \u00c7in\u2019de Kolektif M\u00fclkiyet \u0130li\u015fkileri Hakim Konumda"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Sosyalist \u0130ktisat\u00e7\u0131 Korkut Boratav: \u00c7in\u2019de Kolektif M\u00fclkiyet \u0130li\u015fkileri Hakim Konumda<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>\u00c7in\u2019de Devlet \u0130ktidar\u0131 Leninist Bir Partinin Elinde &nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Kemal Okur<\/strong>, <strong>29 Kas\u0131m 2024<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-large\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1024\" height=\"682\" src=\"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/s-0d09529848094b1393c98eab47bfe1f9e2d0e178-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-4919\" srcset=\"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/s-0d09529848094b1393c98eab47bfe1f9e2d0e178-1024x682.jpg 1024w, https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/s-0d09529848094b1393c98eab47bfe1f9e2d0e178-300x200.jpg 300w, https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/s-0d09529848094b1393c98eab47bfe1f9e2d0e178-768x511.jpg 768w, https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/s-0d09529848094b1393c98eab47bfe1f9e2d0e178.jpg 1368w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">\u0130stanbul\u2019da Teori ve Politika Dergisi taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen \u00c7in ve Marksizm Uluslararas\u0131 Sempozyum\u2019da a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 yapan sosyalist iktisat\u00e7\u0131 ve Haber Sol yazar\u0131 Korkut Boratav konu\u015fmas\u0131nda \u015fu ifadelere yer verdi:&nbsp;\u201c\u00c7in nas\u0131l bir toplumdur?\u201d diye sorarken \u00f6nce \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine bakmam\u0131z laz\u0131m\u2026..\u00c7in\u2019de kapitalist ili\u015fkilerin egemen \u00fcretim ili\u015fkisi olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ayr\u0131ca sor\u00adgulamak laz\u0131m. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yap\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7evresinde \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kamusal m\u00fclkiyet bi\u00e7imlerinin de \u00c7in\u2019deki sosyalist devrimin kal\u0131c\u0131 birikimlerinin sonucu olarak var oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. \u015eimdi bu kal\u0131c\u0131 birikimleri saymayay\u0131m, bunun ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 bu toplant\u0131da yer alan herkes bili\u00adyor. Temel sanayinin, stratejik sanayi kollar\u0131n\u0131n, bankac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn, toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin (topra\u011f\u0131n kullan\u0131m hak\u00adk\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fil, \u00e7\u0131plak toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin) kolektif m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015f\u00adkileri i\u00e7inde oldu\u011funu biliyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;<strong>Ne s\u00f6ylemi\u015f Marx?&nbsp;<\/strong>Bir toplum bir yandan temel \u00fcretim ili\u015f\u00adkileri ve onun \u00fczerinde olu\u015fan \u00fcstyap\u0131 kurumlar\u0131yla tan\u0131mlana\u00adbilir. Marx ayn\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131nda, bu iki ili\u015fki k\u00fcmesinin i\u00e7inde, belirleyici et\u00admenin \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer. Laf\u0131 uzatmayay\u0131m. \u015eunu de\u011ferlendirmek zorunday\u0131z. \u201c\u00c7in nas\u0131l bir toplumdur?\u201d diye sorarken \u00f6nce \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine bakmam\u0131z laz\u0131m.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Marx daha sonra&nbsp;<em>Kapital<\/em>\u2019in \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc cildinde \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini \u015f\u00f6y\u00adle tan\u0131ml\u0131yor: Dolays\u0131z \u00fcreticilerin \u00f6denmemi\u015f art\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcnlerine el koyman\u0131n \u00f6zel ekonomik bi\u00e7imi. Marx\u2019\u0131n burada vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki m\u00fclkiyet ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc bi\u00e7imleridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;\u00c7in toplumu bize ne s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor? Oradaki farkl\u0131 m\u00fclkiyet bi\u00ad\u00e7imlerine bak\u0131p bunlar i\u00e7inde en \u00f6nemli olan\u0131 te\u015fhis edece\u011fiz\u2026..&nbsp;\u00c7in\u2019de&nbsp;temel sanayinin, stratejik sanayi kollar\u0131n\u0131n, bankac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn, toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin (topra\u011f\u0131n kullan\u0131m hakk\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fil, \u00e7\u0131plak toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin) kolektif m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015f-kileri i\u00e7inde oldu\u011funu biliyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;<strong>Peki, \u00fcstyap\u0131 i\u00e7in ne s\u00f6ylenebilir?<\/strong>&nbsp;\u00dcstyap\u0131y\u0131, yani k\u0131sacas\u0131 devleti \u2212ideolojik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcstyap\u0131 unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 burada tart\u0131\u00ad\u015famay\u0131z\u2212 kim y\u00f6netiyor? \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Problem \u015fudur: \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi nas\u0131l bir parti? El\u00adbette bir \u015fekilde ge\u00e7mi\u015f reel sosyalist deneyimlerde de g\u00f6r\u00fclen t\u00fcrden bir partidir. \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi Leninist anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 (modeli Ed.) &nbsp;savunmu\u015ftur. Yani bu parti devrimci teorinin ana unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcmseyen ve program\u0131nda uygula\u00adyan, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 temsil etme iddias\u0131nda olan \u00f6nc\u00fc bir partidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Peki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 temsil ediyor mu? Burada ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla tart\u0131\u015famay\u0131z. Ama tart\u0131\u015fmak isteyen arkada\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n, bu sorunun t\u00fcm reel sosyalizm deneyimle\u00adrinin tarihi s\u00fcreci i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011funu alg\u0131lamalar\u0131 laz\u0131m. Yani bu Leninist parti modeli, \u015fu anda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fuyla tarihe kar\u0131\u015f\u00adm\u0131\u015f olan reel sosyalizmlerin de bize ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 modeldir. \u00d6rne\u00ad\u011fin, uzun y\u0131llar boyunca iktidarda olan Sovyetler Birli\u011fi Ko\u00adm\u00fcnist Partisi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden bir parti miydi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">\u00c7KP\u2019nin en az\u0131ndan program\u0131nda Marksizm ve Leniniz\u00admin h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00f6n planda yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, bundan be\u015f y\u0131l \u00f6nce Marx\u2019\u0131n iki y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc do\u011fum y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc \u00c7KP\u2019nin yo\u011fun bir kam\u00adpanya ile and\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; b\u00fct\u00fcn bir y\u0131l boyunca Marx\u2019\u0131n ve Leniniz\u00admin b\u00fct\u00fcn temel eserlerinin \u00c7in\u2019de tekrar yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; Marx\u2019\u0131n ve Leniniz\u00admin b\u00fct\u00fcn temel eserlerinin par\u00adti \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc i\u00e7inde, gen\u00e7ler, \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frencileri i\u00e7inde yayg\u0131n bir \u015fekilde yeniden edinildi\u011fini ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; zaman zaman iktidar\u0131 da zorlayan tepkiler ve \u00f6nermelerle de b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fti\u011fini hat\u0131rlatay\u0131m. Bu ideolojik dinamizmin \u00c7in toplumunun gele\u00adce\u011fine ili\u015fkin ku\u015fkulu ve olumsuz \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcleri gidermeye katk\u0131 yapaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da s\u00f6yleyebilirim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Boratav di\u011fer bir soruyu sordu: \u201c\u00c7in\u2019de \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinde en yayg\u0131n olan kapitalist ili\u015fkiler ile bu ili\u015fkileri temsil eden s\u0131n\u0131flar ile devlet \u00f6zde\u015f midir?\u201d &nbsp;Boratav bu soruya hay\u0131r diye yan\u0131t veriyor: \u201c\u00c7in\u2019de burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 devleti ele ge\u00e7irmi\u015f midir? Bu toplant\u0131da soruyu \u201cku\u015fkusuz evet ele ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir\u201d diye yan\u0131tlayacak ki\u015filerin oldu\u011funu zannetmiyorum\u2026\u2026&nbsp;<strong>bu sempozyuma&nbsp;<\/strong>\u00c7in\u2019den gelen kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n bildi\u011fi bir olgu bu. \u00c7in Kom\u00fc\u00adnist Partisi, devleti y\u00f6neten parti olarak, \u00f6zellikle son 12 y\u0131ld\u0131r, 2012 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki 18. Kongreden sonra, Parti\u2019nin toplum \u00fczerindeki hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n (\u00c7KP\u2019nin \u00f6nderli\u011fini kastediyor), \u00c7in\u2019in ge\u00e7mi\u015f sosyalist birikimlerini koruman\u0131n bir g\u00fcvence\u00adsi oldu\u011funu vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ve \u00c7in Kom\u00fc\u00adnist Partisi sermayenin iktidara (devlete) el koyma se\u00e7ene\u011fini \u00f6nleyici bir dizi \u00f6nlem alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sermaye, do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi, iktidar\u0131 fethetme \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde olacakt\u0131r. Ben de kendi imk\u00e2nlar\u0131mla izleyebildi\u011fim bilgilerden g\u00f6rd\u00fcm ki, sermaye, \u00c7in\u2019de iktidar\u0131 fethetme \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7erisindedir. &nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Son iki y\u0131ldan beri \u00c7in\u2019de, teknoloji, bilgi ve ileti\u015fim sekt\u00f6rlerine h\u00e2kim olan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6zel \u015fir\u00adketlerin \u00c7KP ile, yani iktidar ile aralar\u0131ndaki gerilimin arka plandaki temel etkenlerinden birinin bu \u00f6zel \u015firketlerin iktidara aday olma, n\u00fcfuz etme ve hatta devlete h\u00fckmetme \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nleme m\u00fccadelesinden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bu konuya en az\u0131ndan bir bilgi ile de\u011finip ge\u00e7eyim. \u00c7KP\u2019nin \u0130ngilizce olarak yay\u0131nlanan organlar\u0131ndan birinin edit\u00f6r\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015funu ifade etti:&nbsp;<strong>\u201cSermaye, \u00c7in\u2019de \u00fcretecek ve \u00c7in ekonomisine katk\u0131 yapan dinamik bir unsur olmaya devam edecektir. Ama ikti\u00addara el koyamaz, iktidar (devlet i\u015fleri) onun i\u015fi de\u011fildir\u201d dedi<\/strong>. Bu uyar\u0131 niye yap\u0131ld\u0131? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc iktidara el koymaya ili\u015fkin belirtiler ve hamle\u00adler fazlas\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bat\u0131l\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuva bas\u0131n\u0131, med\u00adya organlar\u0131 ve keza iktidar \u00e7evreleri \u00f6zel sermaye \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131lar\u0131 endi\u015fe ile kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131lar. Bat\u0131l\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuva bas\u0131n\u0131, \u00c7KP\u2019nin bu sekt\u00f6rlerdeki denetim \u00f6nlemlerinin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na, yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131na, ekonomik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklere m\u00fcdahale vs. gibi gerek\u00e7elerle ele\u015ftirerek, kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar\u2026\u2026.&nbsp;Biraz \u00f6nce s\u00f6yledi\u011fim soruyu nas\u0131l yan\u0131tl\u0131yorum? \u0130ktidar \u015fu anda burjuvazinin elinde de\u011fildir. Burjuvazinin iktidara el koyma \u00e7abalar\u0131 vard\u0131r ve \u00f6nlenmektedir\u2026.&nbsp;Acaba \u00c7in toplumu, daha ileride devlet iktida\u00adr\u0131n\u0131n sermaye taraf\u0131ndan fethedilmesine teslim olacak m\u0131?&#8230;&#8230;..<strong>&nbsp;\u00c7in\u2019de&nbsp;<\/strong>yayg\u0131n olan \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin egemenli\u011fini \u00f6nleyen ba\u015fka ili\u015fkiler de var: Kamu m\u00fclkiyeti var, onu h\u00e2l\u00e2 temsil eden kamu m\u00fclkiyetindeki stratejik i\u015fletmeler var, Merkez Bankas\u0131 var \u2212ki bu bankan\u0131n rezervleri devlete aittir. \u00c7in toplumunun, \u00c7in ekonomisinin astronomik, trilyon dolarlar\u0131 a\u015fan rezervleri hen\u00fcz iktidar\u0131n elindedir. Yani siyasi iktidar\u0131n ve onu temsil eden organlar\u0131n elindedir. Daha da \u00f6nemlisi, iktidar\u0131n \u00c7KP\u2019nin elinden al\u0131n\u0131p fethedilmesi ancak bir m\u00fccadele sonunda ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;<strong>\u00c7in\u2019de kom\u00fcnizme a\u00e7\u0131lan yeni bir sosyal devrim olanakl\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Bu m\u00fccadele h\u00e2l\u00e2 s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Sonu\u00e7 belli de\u011fil; ilerisi ne olur bilemeyiz. Ama biraz \u00f6nce aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131m Marx\u2019\u0131n \u00fcnl\u00fc \u00f6nermesinin devam\u0131n\u0131 da hat\u0131rlatay\u0131m: \u201cGeli\u015fmelerinin bel\u00adli bir safhas\u0131nda \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler mevcut \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileriyle ya da bunlar\u0131n ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc bir ifadesi olan m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkileriyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Bu ili\u015fkiler \u00fcretim g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin geli\u015fme \u015fekillerini k\u00f6s\u00adtekleyen birer zincir olduklar\u0131 zaman bir sosyal ihtilal d\u00f6ne\u00admi ba\u015flar.\u201d Bu, \u00c7in i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. \u00c7in\u2019de \u00fcretim g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin geli\u015fkinlik temposunun mevcut kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin \u00e7er\u00e7evesini zorlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tarihi d\u00f6neme\u00e7te kom\u00fcnizme a\u00e7\u0131lan yeni bir sosyal devrim a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, en az\u0131ndan teorik bir \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fc olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">\u00dcretim g\u00fc\u00e7lerini h\u0131zla geli\u015ftiren bir politikan\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in iktidar\u0131n\u0131n temel ama\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. Nitekim o y\u00fczden uluslararas\u0131 teknoloji yar\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00c7in pek \u00e7ok konuda en \u00f6nde gelen saflarda yer almaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in\u2019in \u015fu an\u00addaki ekonomik yap\u0131s\u0131 bu h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fmeye imk\u00e2n vermektedir. Ama belli bir geli\u015fim a\u015famas\u0131na geldikten sonra mevcut \u00fcretim ili\u015f\u00adkileri engel olursa\u2026 Devlet m\u00fclkiyetinin ve kamu m\u00fclkiyetinin&nbsp;\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin h\u0131zl\u0131&nbsp;engel olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Temel engel \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131nda kapitalist m\u00fclkiyetin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 olabilir. \u015eu anda piyasa ili\u015fkileri denen esnekli\u011fin kapitalist m\u00fclkiyetin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 engelini yumu\u015fatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zl\u00fcyo\u00adruz; ama nereye kadar, yumu\u015fatabilir? Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla temel mesele hen\u00fcz sonu\u00e7\u00adlanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ama sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131 g\u00fcndemdedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<strong>\u00c7\u0130N EMPERYAL\u0130ST M\u0130?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Boratav soruyor:&nbsp;<strong>\u00dcretim ili\u015fkilerinde kapitalizm \u00e7ok yayg\u0131n\u00adsa emperyalist ili\u015fkilerin filizlenmesi s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fil midir?&nbsp;&nbsp;<\/strong>E\u011fer mekanik bir iktisat bak\u0131\u015fla ye\u00adtinirseniz, bu soruya evet cevab\u0131 verilebilir\u2026&nbsp;Kapitalizmin hem dina\u00admik unsurlar\u0131 hem de parazit unsurlar\u0131 b\u00f6yledir, d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyaya ta\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r\u2026..&nbsp;T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u2026bir kapitalist \u00fclkede bile ka\u00adpitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ve onun t\u00fcrevi olan rantiyelerin, paradan para kazanma tutkusu i\u00e7inde olan katmanlar\u0131n \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131na sermaye ta\u015f\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Elbette \u00c7in\u2019de de bu e\u011filim vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">\u2026&nbsp;Fakat kapitalizmle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 emperyalizm s\u00f6z konusu ol\u00addu\u011funda devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n niteli\u011fini unutmayal\u0131m. \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti emperyalist bir devlet midir? Hay\u0131r\u2026<strong>&nbsp;\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in&nbsp;<\/strong>devleti hen\u00fcz sermaye taraf\u0131ndan fethedilmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in\u2026 Teredd\u00fct varsa \u00c7in\u2019i bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ABD ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131n: \u00c7ok ge\u00e7mi\u015fe de gitmeyelim, sadece 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bilan\u00e7osuna bakal\u0131m. Bug\u00fc\u00adne de getirelim, bug\u00fcnlerde \u0130srail\u2019in Gazze\u2019de d\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kan\u0131n arkas\u0131nda elbette Amerika\u2019n\u0131n oldu\u011fu te\u015fhisini bu salondaki herkes yapacakt\u0131r. Bu emperyalist sistem 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne kadar ka\u00e7 milyon insan\u0131n kan\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6km\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr? Bat\u0131 ve Amerikan emperyalizminin Afganistan\u2019dan ba\u015flayarak Irak\u2019a, Irak\u2019tan Suriye\u2019ye ve Libya\u2019ya ta\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve Avrupa\u2019da Yugoslav\u00adya sosyalizminin son kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 kan d\u00f6kerek yok ettiklerini unutmayal\u0131m.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Bir de \u00c7in devletine bakal\u0131m: \u00c7in toplumu emperyalist bir toplum olarak te\u015fhis edilebilir mi? \u0130nsaf ediniz\u2026 M\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir mi? \u00c7in d\u0131\u015f po\u00adlitikas\u0131n\u0131n kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc bir s\u00f6ylemi vard\u0131r. Kayna\u011f\u0131nda Ban\u00addung\u2019da olu\u015fan Ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131zlar Blo\u011funun ana s\u00f6ylemi bulunur. Bu s\u00f6ylemin \u00c7in\u2019in d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 iki unsur vard\u0131r. Birincisi, \u201cdi\u011fer \u00fclkelerin i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmamak\u201d \u00c7in d\u0131\u015f si\u00adyasetinin temel \u00f6nermelerinden biridir. \u0130kincisi; \u00c7in d\u0131\u015f si\u00adyasetinin temel \u00f6nermesi \u201chegemonya pe\u015finde ko\u015fmamak\u201d. \u00c7in kendi d\u0131\u015f siyasetini s\u00fcrekli olarak bu ilkeler etraf\u0131nda in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir\u2026..&nbsp;Yak\u0131nlarda \u00c7KP Genel Sekreteri Xi Jinping \u00fc\u00e7 uluslararas\u0131 kampanya ba\u015flatt\u0131: K\u00fcresel Kalk\u0131nma \u0130nisiyatifi, K\u00fcresel G\u00fcvenlik \u0130nisiyatifi ve K\u00fcresel Uygarl\u0131k \u0130nisiyatifi. Bunlar\u0131, bir anlamda Ortak Gelece\u011fi Payla\u015fan K\u00fcresel Topluluk diye bir bildirge ile tamamlad\u0131\u2026.. Bu bildirgede \u201cTarih boyunca \u00fclkeler aras\u0131 egemen e\u011filim kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri olmu\u015ftur.\u201d Bu ifa\u00addeyi soyut olarak al\u0131rsan\u0131z, elbette sorgulayabilirsiniz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Oysa burada<\/strong>&nbsp;Xi Jinping 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finde b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kapitalist ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7inde ya\u015fayan \u00fclkelerdeki iktidarlara d\u00f6n\u00fck bir diplomatik kampanya yapmaktad\u0131r. Bu b\u00fcy\u00fck toplulu\u011fun d\u00fcnya ezilenlerinin&nbsp;topland\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerine hitap eden diplomatik bir belgedir; bir Kom\u00fcnist partisi belgesi de\u011fildir.&nbsp;Xi Jinping\u2019in diplomatik a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131&nbsp;Bandung gelene\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u00adren \u015fu s\u00f6ylemi i\u00e7eriyor: Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda var olan ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00f6nemlerdeki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 tahrip eden bir y\u0131\u011f\u0131n m\u00fcdahaleden \u00f6t\u00fc\u00adr\u00fc tedirgindir ve rahats\u0131zd\u0131r. Nedir bunlar? G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerin hege\u00admonya aray\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerin zay\u0131flar\u0131 talan etmesidir. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerin uluslararas\u0131 siyasal ili\u015fkilere orman kanunu getirmesidir. Ekonomik ili\u015fkilerde tekelci avantajlar sa\u011flamalar\u0131d\u0131r. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerin kendi de\u011ferlerini bu de\u011ferlerin evrensel olduklar\u0131 iddias\u0131yla ba\u015fka \u00fclkelere dayatmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">\u0130\u015fte \u015fimdi serinkanl\u0131l\u0131kla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnelim. Bu ifadeler Marx\u2019\u0131n, Lenin\u2019in, Mao\u2019nun d\u00fcnyaya bak\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki devrimci unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131 i\u00e7eriyor? Yoksa bug\u00fcn K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney diye s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen, Latin Amerika\u2019n\u0131n, Asya\u2019n\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn, Filistin halk\u0131n\u0131n, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de dahil oldu\u011fu Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun, yani d\u00fcnya \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun ortak sanc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131 yans\u0131t\u0131yor? \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti, emperyalizmin g\u00fcnahlar\u0131na kat\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f, tam aksine ge\u00e7mi\u015fte emperyalist boyunduruk ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131laman\u0131n ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir devlet olarak bug\u00fcnk\u00fc uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeni ele\u015ftirirken Marksizm-Leninizmin devrimci s\u00f6ylemi\u00adnin diplomatik bir dille ifadesine ba\u015fvurmaktad\u0131r. Bu a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n i\u00e7e\u00adri\u011fini ele\u015ftirmekte biraz ihtiyatl\u0131 davranal\u0131m diyorum. \u00ad<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>\u00c7KP ve \u00c7\u0130N\u2019DE M\u0130LL\u0130YET\u00c7\u0130 B\u0130R SAPMA VAR MI? &nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">D\u00fcnya sosya\u00adlist gelene\u011finin baz\u0131 ak\u0131mlar\u0131nda \u00c7in\u2019e d\u00f6n\u00fck bir ele\u015ftiri var: Bu ele\u015ftiriye g\u00fc\u00e7 veren bir un\u00adsura da referans vereyim: \u00c7KP\u2019nin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Genel Sekreteri Xi Jinping \u201c\u00c7in halk\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6zlemi zindele\u015fme olmu\u015ftur\u201d ifadesini \u00c7KP s\u00f6ylemine katm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7in\u2019in zindele\u015fmesi veya yeniden gen\u00e7le\u015fmesi\u2026&nbsp;Xi Jinping bu \u00f6zlemin nereden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a vurguluyor. B\u00fcy\u00fck bir ge\u00e7mi\u015f tarihe sahip olan \u00c7in, tarihinin ileri a\u015famalar\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca, d\u0131\u015ftan gelen sald\u0131r\u0131lar sonucunda zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f, \u00e7aresiz ve aciz kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131 \u00c7in toplumunu \u00f6yle bir noktaya getirmi\u015ftir ki 20. y\u00fcz\u00ady\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda bir tarihte, \u00c7KP bu b\u00fcy\u00fck y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n \u00fcstesinden gelme&nbsp;g\u00f6revini de \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. \u00c7KP\u2019nin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc program\u0131nda da bu hedef \u015f\u00f6yle ifade ediliyor: \u201c\u00c7KP en \u00fcst \u00fclk\u00fc ve en \u00fcst hedef olarak kom\u00fcnizmi belirlemi\u015f ve ulusal zindele\u015fmeyi tarihsel misyon olarak \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;Burada, \u00c7KP 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda emperyalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 enkaz\u0131n \u00fcze\u00adrinde derlenip toparlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir Asya toplumundan bahsediyor. Bir Asya toplumu olarak \u00c7in bu y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n sonucu olarak hem kom\u00fcnizmi hem de ulusal zindele\u015fmeyi bir tarih\u00adsel hedef olarak olu\u015fturan bile\u015fke yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<strong>V\u0130ETNAM L\u0130DER\u0130 HO \u015e\u0130 M\u0130NH\u2019\u0130N VAS\u0130YET\u0130 &nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">\u015eimdi ben size bu bile\u015fkeyi daha rahat\u00e7a alg\u0131layabilmeniz i\u00e7in bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rnek verece\u011fim. Bu \u00f6rnek Asya\u2019da emperya\u00adlizmle sava\u015fan bir ba\u015fka devrimciye aittir: Ho Chi Minh. 10 May\u0131s 1969\u2019da Vietnam halk\u0131na vasiyetini yaz\u0131yor. Vasiyetinde \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: \u201cBu sene yetmi\u015f dokuz ya\u015f\u0131nday\u0131m. Daha ne kadar ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6remem; daha ne kadar uzun bir s\u00fcre devrime, anavatan\u0131ma ve halk\u0131ma hizmet edece\u011fimi bilemiyo\u00adrum. O y\u00fczden yak\u0131n bir gelecekte muhterem Karl Marx, Le\u00adnin ve di\u011fer devrimci b\u00fcy\u00fcklerim ile bulu\u015faca\u011f\u0131m \u00e2na kadar bu birka\u00e7 sat\u0131r\u0131 size iletmek istiyorum.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Mesaj\u0131n devam\u0131 var; ona girmeyece\u011fim. Sadece bir vurgu\u00adlama yapaca\u011f\u0131m: Bu salonda beni dinleyen, Marx\u2019\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00adcesini benimseyen konu\u015fmac\u0131lar, devrimci teoriyi devralan gen\u00e7 ve orta ya\u015fl\u0131 arkada\u015flar\u0131m, Ho \u015ei Min\u2019in vasiyetinin diyalektik materyalizme uygunlu\u011funu tart\u0131\u015facaklar m\u0131? Yoksa onu, b\u00fc\u00ady\u00fck bir devrimcinin kendi halk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ana unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcmleyerek emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmakta olan Vietnam halk\u0131na verdi\u011fi do\u011fal bir mesaj olarak m\u0131 g\u00f6recekler?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Bu konuda toplant\u0131ya \u00c7in\u2019den kat\u0131lanlar\u0131 da g\u00f6zeterek s\u00f6zlerime son vereyim. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck devrimci bir \u015fairi, uzun bir \u015fiirinin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&nbsp;<strong>\u201cYar\u0131s\u0131 burdaysa kalbimin<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>yar\u0131s\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019dedir, doktor.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Sar\u0131nehre do\u011fru akan<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>ordunun i\u00e7indedir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Sonra, her \u015fafak vakti, doktor,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>her \u015fafak vakti kalbim<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Yunanistan\u2019da kur\u015funa diziliyor.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel miras\u0131n\u0131 Kuvay\u0131 Milliye ve \u015eeyh Bed\u00adrettin destanlar\u0131 ile dile getiren devrimci \u015fair, Bursa Cezaevi\u2019n\u00adde kalbinin sesini \u201cba\u015fka illerde\u201d duymaktad\u0131r. Sene 1948\u2019dir. Kalbinin bir yar\u0131s\u0131, \u00c7in devrimini iktidara ta\u015f\u0131mak \u00fczere Sar\u0131 Nehir\u2019den akan ordunun i\u00e7indedir; di\u011fer yar\u0131s\u0131 ise Yunanis\u00adtan\u2019da kur\u015funa dizilen devrimci kom\u00fcnistlerle beraberdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Bu enternasyonalist duyarl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7eren m\u0131sralar\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u00admak istedim. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7in\u2019i de benzer duyarl\u0131l\u0131klar i\u00e7inde iz\u00adlemeye, \u00f6\u011frenmeye, de\u011ferlendirmeye katk\u0131 yapaca\u011f\u0131 beklenti\u00adsiyle konu\u015fmama son vereyim. Beni izleyenleri ve toplant\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 sayg\u0131 ve sevgiyle selamlar\u0131m.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Sosyalist \u0130ktisat\u00e7\u0131 Korkut Boratav: \u00c7in\u2019de Kolektif M\u00fclkiyet \u0130li\u015fkileri Hakim Konumda \u00c7in\u2019de Devlet \u0130ktidar\u0131 Leninist Bir Partinin Elinde &nbsp; Kemal Okur, 29 Kas\u0131m 2024 \u0130stanbul\u2019da Teori ve Politika Dergisi taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen \u00c7in ve Marksizm Uluslararas\u0131 Sempozyum\u2019da a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 yapan sosyalist iktisat\u00e7\u0131 ve Haber Sol yazar\u0131 Korkut Boratav konu\u015fmas\u0131nda \u015fu ifadelere yer verdi:&nbsp;\u201c\u00c7in nas\u0131l bir toplumdur?\u201d diye [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4918","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-dunya-sosyalizmi-tr","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi-tr"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4918","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4918"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4918\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4920,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4918\/revisions\/4920"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4918"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4918"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4918"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}