{"id":5454,"date":"2025-04-29T19:50:06","date_gmt":"2025-04-29T19:50:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=5454"},"modified":"2025-04-29T19:53:07","modified_gmt":"2025-04-29T19:53:07","slug":"mahir-cayan-ve-samir-amin-suni-dengeyi-asmak","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=5454","title":{"rendered":"Mahir \u00c7ayan ve Samir Amin: Suni Dengeyi A\u015fmak"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Mahir \u00c7ayan ve Samir Amin: Suni Dengeyi A\u015fmak<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Yazar: Burak G\u00fcnd\u00fc\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Bu yaz\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye devrimci hareketinin \u00f6nemli teorisyenlerinden Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n politik de\u011ferlendirmeleri ve teorik analizleri \u00fczerine haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zellikle emperyalizm, suni denge teorisi, laiklik-liberalizm \u00e7eli\u015fkisi, milliyet\u00e7ilik ve laiklik ili\u015fkisi, Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Atat\u00fcrk de\u011ferlendirmesi ile T\u00fcrk Ordusu \u00fczerine g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri \u00fczerinde tart\u0131\u015fan ve Samir Amin\u2019in emperyalizm ve e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme kuram\u0131 \u00fczerine yo\u011funla\u015fan bu metin, g\u00fcncel tart\u0131\u015fmalara katk\u0131 sunmay\u0131 hedeflemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1. MAH\u0130R \u00c7AYAN\u2019IN KURTULU\u015e SAVA\u015eI VE ATAT\u00dcRK DE\u011eERLEND\u0130RMES\u0130<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019a g\u00f6re Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131, yaln\u0131zca emperyalizmin asker\u00ee i\u015fgaline kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda feodal kal\u0131nt\u0131lara, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i burjuvaziye ve saltanata kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bir devrimdir. Atat\u00fcrk bu s\u00fcrecin \u00f6nderidir ve d\u00f6nemin ko\u015fullar\u0131nda anti-emperyalist ve milli kurtulu\u015f\u00e7u bir \u00e7izgi izlemi\u015ftir.

Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n \u201c\u0130ki Alternatif\u201d metni, bu tarihsel miras\u0131 sahiplenmenin bug\u00fcn de bir zorunluluk oldu\u011funu vurgular:

Birinci alternatif: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin mevcut d\u00fczenini oldu\u011fu gibi kabullenmek ve bu d\u00fczenin bir unsuru olmak.
\u0130kinci alternatif: Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u201cYa \u0130stiklal Ya \u00d6l\u00fcm\u201d \u015fiar\u0131n\u0131 benimseyerek, tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in emperyalizme ve oligar\u015fiye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmak.

Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019a g\u00f6re, bug\u00fcn bu ikinci yolun bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sosyalistler ve ger\u00e7ek Kemalist milli kurtulu\u015f\u00e7ular ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lenin\u2019e g\u00f6re<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lenin, emperyalizmi kapitalizmin en y\u00fcksek ve son a\u015famas\u0131<\/strong> olarak tan\u0131mlar ve devrimlerin, zincirin en zay\u0131f halkas\u0131nda patlayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler (1917 Rusya gibi). Lenin\u2019e g\u00f6re g\u00f6re \u00e7evre \u00fclkelerdeki bir devrim, emperyalist sistemde ciddi sars\u0131nt\u0131 yarat\u0131r ve merkez \u00fclkelerde de devrimci y\u00fckseli\u015fleri tetikleyebilir. Ama Lenin\u2019in d\u00f6neminde bu s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mahir de benzer bir yerden yakla\u015f\u0131yor. T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00e7evre \u00fclkelerde devrimci m\u00fccadelenin merkez \u00fclkelere do\u011frudan etkisi olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/strong> d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. Fakat Mahir i\u00e7in as\u0131l mesele, emperyalizmin bu tip \u00fclkeleri, kendi i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkileriyle birlikte bast\u0131rarak suni dengeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmesi<\/strong>dir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mahir der ki:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Emperyalizm ge\u00e7ici dengeler kurabilir ama bu dengeler suni ve zor yoluyla sa\u011flan\u0131r, devrimci m\u00fccadele bu suni dengeyi devirecek tek yoldur.”<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yani \u00e7evrede b\u00fcy\u00fck bir devrimci kopu\u015f oldu\u011funda, merkez \u00fclkeler bu \u015foku dengeleyebilmek i\u00e7in ya yeni hegemonya bi\u00e7imleri (post-modernizm, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya, ideolojik manip\u00fclasyon)<\/strong> geli\u015ftirir ya da askeri-siyasi m\u00fcdahalelerle yeni bir denge kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Samir Amin ise sistem \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi yapar. \u00c7evredeki bir devrim merkezleri zora sokabilir ama \u201cemperyalizm, esnek yap\u0131s\u0131 sayesinde yeni hegemonik formlar geli\u015ftirebilir\u201d<\/strong> der. Bug\u00fcn post-modernizm, kimlik siyasetinin par\u00e7al\u0131 do\u011fas\u0131, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kapitalizm gibi pratikleri emperyalizmin g\u00fcncel hegemonik ara\u00e7lar\u0131<\/strong> olarak yorumlar. Yani Amin, emperyalizmin bir form\u00fcl bulup krizi yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ama bunun sonsuza dek s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/strong> da ekler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2. SAM\u0130R AM\u0130N \u2013 EMPERYAL\u0130ZM VE E\u015e\u0130TS\u0130Z GEL\u0130\u015eME<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Samir Amin, emperyalizmi merkez-\u00e7evre ili\u015fkisini analiz eder. \u00c7evre \u00fclkeler, kapitalist d\u00fcnya sisteminin d\u0131\u015f halkas\u0131nda yer al\u0131r ve bu e\u015fitsiz ili\u015fkiler yap\u0131sal olarak s\u00fcreklilik ta\u015f\u0131r. \u00c7evrede ya\u015fanan k\u0131r\u0131lmalar, merkezin krizlerini tetikleyebilir. Fakat emperyalizm, post-modern ideolojiler, kimlik politikalar\u0131 ve liberal demokratik vaatlerle bu krizleri tamponlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.

Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n \u201csuni denge\u201d teorisi, burada \u00f6nemli bir yere oturur. \u00c7evre \u00fclkelerdeki halk hareketleri ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri, emperyalist sistemin kontrol etti\u011fi suni dengeleri bozabilir. Bu dengenin devrimci m\u00fccadele olmadan de\u011fi\u015fmeyece\u011fini savunan \u00c7ayan, reformist yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 bu y\u00fczden ele\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Suni Dengeyi Devirecek Bir M\u00fccadele ve Reaksiyon Meselesi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Evet \u2014 \u00e7evre \u00fclkelerde e\u015fzamanl\u0131 ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir devrimci hareket, merkezde b\u00fcy\u00fck reaksiyonlar yaratabilir.<\/strong>
Ama bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnyada emperyalizm:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  • Finans kapitalin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Dijital sosyal media \u00fczerinden ideolojik hegemonyalar<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Kimlik siyasetiyle s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin zay\u0131flat\u0131lmas\u0131<\/strong> gibi y\u00f6ntemlerle, emperyalizm bu reaksiyonlar\u0131 absorbe etmekte \u00e7ok mahir hale geldi.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

    Bu y\u00fczden Mahir\u2019in teorisinde oldu\u011fu gibi ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k m\u00fccadeleleriyle enternasyonal devrimci hareketin birbirini besleyerek suni dengeyi y\u0131kmas\u0131<\/strong> gerekiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

     Yani mesele tekil kopu\u015flar de\u011fil, enternasyonal devrimci koordinasyon.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Mahir de Amin de bu konuda ortak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor: \u201cBa\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z m\u00fccadeleler tek ba\u015f\u0131na sars\u0131c\u0131 olur ama emperyalizmin sonunu getirecek \u015fey enternasyonal zincirleme k\u0131r\u0131lmalard\u0131r.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Sonu\u00e7:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      \n
    • \u00c7evrede devrim merkezleri etkiler, ama emperyalizm uyum sa\u011flar.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
    • Post-modern hegemonya bu y\u00fczden kuruldu.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
    • Mahir\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi, suni dengeyi ancak kolektif ve e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc devrimci m\u00fccadele y\u0131kabilir.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

      Suni denge<\/strong> dedi\u011fimiz \u015fey, Mahir\u2019in tan\u0131m\u0131yla emperyalist i\u015fgal ve yerli egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n zor yoluyla kurdu\u011fu, halk d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 ge\u00e7ici denge<\/strong>. T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00fclkelerde bu dengeyi sa\u011flayan ara\u00e7lardan biri de dini ideolojilerin kitleleri edilgenle\u015ftirmesi<\/strong> ve s\u0131n\u0131f bilincini par\u00e7alayarak devrimci hareketin \u00f6n\u00fcne set \u00e7ekmesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

       Laiklik bu anlamda suni dengeyi sarsabilir mi?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Evet \u2014 ama tek ba\u015f\u0131na de\u011fil s\u0131n\u0131f eksenli bir m\u00fccadeleyle birle\u015fti\u011fi zaman.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc laiklik:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        \n
      • Halk\u0131n zihinsel ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaya y\u00f6nelik bir ideolojik m\u00fccadele alan\u0131d\u0131r.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
      • Din istismar\u0131n\u0131 ve egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kitleleri uyutma arac\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131rabilir.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
      • Devrimci m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki pasifle\u015fmeyi ve kadercili\u011fi bertaraf etme potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

         Fakat tehlikesi de var:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        T\u00fcrkiye prati\u011finde laiklik, tarihsel olarak \u00e7o\u011fu kez devrimci de\u011fil, d\u00fczen i\u00e7i burjuva ideolojisi<\/strong> olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131. Yani laiklik s\u00f6ylemiyle sistem i\u00e7i restorasyon yap\u0131l\u0131rken, s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc ve emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k oldu\u011fu gibi devam etti.
        Mahir de bunu g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu.<\/strong> O y\u00fczden laikli\u011fi anti-emperyalist ve anti-oligar\u015fik bir devrim perspektifiyle <\/strong>savunmak gerekti\u011fini vurguluyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        3. LA\u0130KL\u0130K VE L\u0130BERAL\u0130ZM \u00c7EL\u0130\u015eK\u0130S\u0130<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

        Laiklik, tarihsel olarak feodal kal\u0131nt\u0131lara, inan\u00e7 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne ve dinsel ba\u011fnazl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadeledir. Liberalizm ise \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin ve burjuva demokrasisinin garant\u00f6r\u00fc olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Bu nedenle laikli\u011fin devrimci ve halk\u00e7\u0131 karakteri, liberalizmin ekonomik ve siyasal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla s\u0131k s\u0131k \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        \u015eu an T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de laiklik meselesi, emperyalizmin kimlik siyaseti ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya<\/strong> yoluyla halk\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcp sistemin suni dengesini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesinde kritik bir ara\u00e7 haline de getirilebiliyor. O y\u00fczden:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          \n
        • Salttek ba\u015f\u0131na bir  laiklik savunusu de\u011fil<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
        • Laikli\u011fin anti-emperyalist, anti-oligar\u015fik ve halk\u00e7\u0131 bir perspektifle savunulmas\u0131<\/strong> bu suni dengeyi ger\u00e7ekten sarsabilir.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

           Sonu\u00e7:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

            \n
          • Laiklik, devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle birle\u015fti\u011finde<\/strong> suni dengeyi sarsar.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
          • Burjuva laikli\u011fi<\/strong> ise sistemin yeni dengelerini kurma arac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
          • Mahir\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi, laiklik ancak halk iktidar\u0131yla ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131na kavu\u015fabilir<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

            Laiklik Nedir?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

            Burjuva devrimleri tarihsel olarak laikli\u011fi, feodalizmin ideolojik ayg\u0131t\u0131 olan dinin devlet i\u015flerinden tasfiyesi ve bireyin vicdan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/strong> bi\u00e7iminde tarif etti. Ama mesele sadece devlet i\u015fleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

              \n
            • Dini ideoloji ve klise, Bat\u0131da feodal s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin me\u015fruiyet kayna\u011f\u0131yd\u0131.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
            • Topra\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc kaderine raz\u0131 eden, itaat k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fcren en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ideolojik ara\u00e7t\u0131.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

              Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla laiklik demek, feodalizmin ideolojik g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131rmak ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn, emek\u00e7inin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mak<\/strong> demekti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

              Laiklik asl\u0131nda topraks\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn ideolojik \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesidir.<\/strong> Ve Mahir de bunu fark edenlerden biridir. T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00fclkelerde feodal kal\u0131nt\u0131lar ve emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/strong> birlikte s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in, laiklik burada sadece dini i\u015flerle devlet i\u015flerinin ayr\u0131m\u0131 de\u011fil, halk\u0131n bilin\u00e7 d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 saran feodal ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

              Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n Bak\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

              Mahir, Kesintisiz Devrim II-III\u2019te<\/em> ve Devrimci Yol\u2019a aktar\u0131lan<\/em> yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli \u015funu vurgular:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                \n
              • T\u00fcrkiye yar\u0131-feodal bir \u00fclkedir.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
              • Din, k\u00f6ylerdeki toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n ve merkezdeki oligar\u015finin ideolojik bask\u0131 arac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
              • Laiklik ise, toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc toprak a\u011fas\u0131n\u0131n ve onun din adam\u0131n\u0131n boyunduru\u011fundan kurtarma meselesidir.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                Yani Mahir i\u00e7in laiklik, s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkileriyle ve \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileriyle do\u011frudan ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                Bize \u00d6\u011fretilen Tan\u0131m Neden Yetersiz?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

                \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc devlet-din i\u015flerinin ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi, laikli\u011fi tamamen devlet y\u00f6netimi d\u00fczlemine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r<\/strong>, halk\u0131n g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131ndaki ideolojik esareti g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eder<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                Oysa toplumsal bilin\u00e7 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeden laiklik ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmez.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  \n
                • Toprak a\u011fal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve dini bask\u0131<\/li>\n\n\n\n
                • Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n feodal patriyarkal tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131nda tutulmas\u0131<\/li>\n\n\n\n
                • E\u011fitimin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00fcretimin dini dogmalarla \u015fekillenmesi devam etti\u011fi s\u00fcrece devlet laik olsa da toplum feodal kal\u0131r.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                  As\u0131l Mesele:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  Laiklik, devrimci demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak<\/strong>, toprak reformuyla, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin de\u011fi\u015fmesiyle ve halk\u0131n ideolojik \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesiyle birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmelidir.
                  Bu yap\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda burjuva laikli\u011fi<\/strong>, sadece devlet kat\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kal\u0131r ve halk\u0131n ideolojik zincirini k\u0131rmaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                   Sonu\u00e7:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

                    \n
                  • Laiklik, dinin siyasetten ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil, feodal ideolojinin halk \u00fczerindeki etkisinin tasfiyesi<\/strong>dir.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
                  • Bu da toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n
                  • Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 da anti-feodal ve anti-emperyalist devrimci m\u00fccadelenin ayr\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

                    Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019a g\u00f6re, liberalizmin laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r; yaln\u0131zca devlet y\u00f6netiminde din etkisinin s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla ilgilenir, ama toplumsal ya\u015famdaki dinsel ve feodal bask\u0131lar\u0131 hedeflemez. Ger\u00e7ek laiklik, ayn\u0131 zamanda k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn feodal ili\u015fkilerden ve inan\u00e7 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcnden kurtulu\u015funu da i\u00e7erir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                    4. LA\u0130KL\u0130K VE M\u0130LL\u0130YET\u00c7\u0130L\u0130\u011e\u0130N KES\u0130\u015eEN Y\u00d6NLER\u0130<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

                    Laiklik ve milliyet\u00e7ilik, \u00f6zellikle anti-emperyalist ve anti-feodal m\u00fccadelelerde tarihsel olarak kesi\u015fmi\u015ftir. Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 prati\u011finde laiklik, halk\u0131n inan\u00e7 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcnden kurtulu\u015funun ideolojik zemini olurken; milliyet\u00e7ilik, anti-emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.

                    Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda laiklik ve milliyet\u00e7ilik kavramlar\u0131, anti-emperyalist halk demokrasisi ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 bir halk\u00e7\u0131 rejim hedefinde birle\u015fir. Laiklik, feodal ba\u011flar\u0131n tasfiyesi ve inan\u00e7 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in zorunlu; milliyet\u00e7ilik ise emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 toplumsal direncin dayana\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                    5. MAH\u0130R \u00c7AYAN\u2019IN T\u00dcRK ORDUSU DE\u011eERLEND\u0130RMES\u0130<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

                    Mahir \u00c7ayan, THKP-C Savunmas\u0131\u2019nda, T\u00fcrk Ordusu\u2019nu emperyalizmin vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc haline gelmi\u015f olan Latin Amerika ordular\u0131 ya da Yunanistan\u2019daki fa\u015fist cuntalar\u0131n ordular\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr.

                    \u201cT\u00fcrk Ordusu, ne Latin Amerika\u2019daki oligar\u015filerin temel dayana\u011f\u0131 olan merasim ve bale\/opera ordusudur, ne Yunan fa\u015fist cuntas\u0131n\u0131 ayakta tutan aristokrat k\u00f6kenli subaylar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu Yunan Ordusudur, ne de \u0130ran ve Afganistan\u2019daki Orta\u00e7a\u011f d\u00fczeninin vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. T\u00fcrk Ordusu\u2019nun gelene\u011finde emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 zaferle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f ilk Milli Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 yatmaktad\u0131r.\u201d<\/strong>

                    Bu nedenle \u00c7ayan, halk \u00e7ocuklar\u0131ndan olu\u015fan subay kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun karakterini anti-emperyalizm ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin belirledi\u011fini vurgular. Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n teorik yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerini merkeze alarak emperyalizm, suni denge, laiklik, milliyet\u00e7ilik, Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 prati\u011fi ve devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerine kapsaml\u0131 bir derleme sunmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lad\u0131.

                    Laikli\u011fin devrimci ve halk\u00e7\u0131 niteli\u011fi, milliyet\u00e7ilikle kesi\u015fen anti-emperyalist karakteri, Samir Amin\u2019in emperyalizm tahliliyle Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n suni denge teorisinin uyumu ve Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn tarihsel konumunun devrimci miras\u0131 Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n metinlerinin omurgas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmu\u015ftu.  Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin mevcut s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve ideolojik \u00e7eli\u015fkileriyle y\u00fczle\u015fmenin ve devrimci teorik perspektif \u00fcretmenin g\u00fcncelli\u011fini ve gereklili\u011fini bir kez daha g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

                    Mahir \u00c7ayan ve Samir Amin: Suni Dengeyi A\u015fmak Yazar: Burak G\u00fcnd\u00fc\u00e7 Bu yaz\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye devrimci hareketinin \u00f6nemli teorisyenlerinden Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n politik de\u011ferlendirmeleri ve teorik analizleri \u00fczerine haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zellikle emperyalizm, suni denge teorisi, laiklik-liberalizm \u00e7eli\u015fkisi, milliyet\u00e7ilik ve laiklik ili\u015fkisi, Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Atat\u00fcrk de\u011ferlendirmesi ile T\u00fcrk Ordusu \u00fczerine g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri \u00fczerinde tart\u0131\u015fan ve Samir Amin\u2019in […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[49,20,4,53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5454","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-arsiv-tr","category-arsiv","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi-tr"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5454","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5454"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5454\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5457,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5454\/revisions\/5457"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5454"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5454"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5454"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}