![\"\"](\"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/06\/maxresdefault-2-1024x576.jpg\")
<\/figure>\n\n\n\nG\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, Latin Amerika d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, bir asr\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcredir modern egemen devlet olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren \u00e7ok fazla Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fclke yoktur. Bu \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti, en erken ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanm\u0131\u015f Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fclkelerden biri olarak genel kabul g\u00f6rmektedir. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin d\u00fcnya tarihindeki konumunu k\u00fcresel bir perspektiften (\u00f6zellikle son zamanlarda daha s\u0131k g\u00fcndeme gelen K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney ba\u011flam\u0131nda) anlamam\u0131za imk\u00e2n tan\u0131r. 2023 y\u0131l\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin (1923\u20132023) kurulu\u015funun 100. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Cumhuriyet Bayram\u0131\u2019nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de b\u00fcy\u00fck kutlamalar yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 2023 ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kurucu lideri Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn (1881\u20131938) \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn 85. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Salg\u0131n sonras\u0131 y\u0131l olan 2023\u2019te, bir tatil d\u00f6neminde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bir aydan fazla s\u00fcre saha ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 yapt\u0131m ve Kas\u0131m 2023\u2019te Pekin \u00dcniversitesi y\u00f6netimiyle birlikte Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u00f6l\u00fcm y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcne denk gelen bir T\u00fcrkiye ziyareti ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdim. Bu da y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye dair ki\u015fisel anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 daha da derinle\u015ftirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nce T\u00fcrkiye halk\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun (1299\u20131922) enkaz\u0131 \u00fczerinde yeni bir cumhuriyet kurdu ve eski ba\u015fkent \u0130stanbul\u2019a ba\u011fl\u0131 kalmama karar\u0131 alarak, Anadolu platosunun ortas\u0131nda neredeyse s\u0131f\u0131rdan ba\u015flayarak yeni ba\u015fkent Ankara\u2019y\u0131 in\u015fa etti. Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca siyasi merkezin bu \u015fekilde kayd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkilemeye devam etti. Son y\u0131llarda ba\u015fkent Ankara\u2019n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli b\u00fcy\u00fcmesinden \u00fclke genelindeki altyap\u0131n\u0131n genel iyile\u015ftirilmesine, Cumhuriyet An\u0131t\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Taksim Meydan\u0131\u2019na bir cami in\u015fa edilmesinden Ayasofya\u2019n\u0131n camiden m\u00fczeye, ard\u0131ndan tekrar camiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesine kadar, y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de pek \u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fimi g\u00f6zlemlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu d\u0131\u015fsal de\u011fi\u015fimler somut tezah\u00fcrlerdir ve hem \u00fclke i\u00e7inde hem de uluslararas\u0131 alanda \u00e7e\u015fitli derecelerde etkiler yaratmaktad\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131\u201d hakk\u0131nda konu\u015furken bu bariz de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edemeyiz; ayn\u0131 zamanda bunlar\u0131 tarihsel olarak ve \u00e7oklu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131ndan de\u011ferlendirmemiz gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n Y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc Y\u0131l \u201cMesaj\u0131\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Y\u00fcz y\u0131l boyunca ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fimleri g\u00f6zlemlerken, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n (1954\u2013) Cumhuriyet\u2019in 100. y\u0131l\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 da dikkate almak gerekir. Uzmanlara g\u00f6re Erdo\u011fan, 2023\u2019te Cumhuriyet Bayram\u0131 vesilesiyle iki \u00f6nemli a\u00e7\u0131klama yapt\u0131. Bunlardan biri, \u00f6nceki y\u0131llarda video format\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan ve t\u00f6ren \u00f6ncesi bir \u0131s\u0131nma konu\u015fmas\u0131 i\u015flevi g\u00f6ren, bu y\u0131l ise yaz\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 olarak da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lan bir \u201cmesaj\u201d idi. Di\u011feri ise liderin resm\u00ee \u201chitab\u0131\u201d idi. Bu metinler genellikle uzun de\u011fildir ve her y\u0131l Cumhuriyet Bayram\u0131\u2019nda yap\u0131l\u0131r. Geriye d\u00f6n\u00fcp bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Cumhuriyet Bayram\u0131 konu\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel \u00f6rneklerinden biri, 2016\u2019daki \u201caskeri darbe giri\u015fimi\u201dnin (15 Temmuz darbe giri\u015fimi) ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131l olan 93. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131yanlar o d\u00f6nemde odak noktas\u0131n\u0131n daha \u00e7ok G\u00fclen hareketi oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlayacakt\u0131r. 2023\u2019teki y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l ise \u00e7ok daha anlaml\u0131 bir d\u00f6neme\u00e7tir ve Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n verdi\u011fi mesajlar, T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131la dair tarihsel konumland\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan dikkatle incelenmelidir. Elde edilen bulgulara g\u00f6re, kamuoyunda \u201cmesaj\u201d\u0131n, resm\u00ee hitaptan daha fazla yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir; muhtemelen bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 olarak haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 nedeniyle medya taraf\u0131ndan daha fazla payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle analizimiz esas olarak \u201cmesaj\u201d \u00fczerine odaklanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130lk olarak, Erdo\u011fan, Cumhuriyet\u2019in 100. y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 \u201c\u015fanl\u0131 tarihimizin d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130kinci olarak, Erdo\u011fan konu\u015fmas\u0131nda defalarca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kurucu lideri Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk\u2019ten bahsetmi\u015ftir. Bu da Erdo\u011fan gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc liderlerin h\u00e2l\u00e2 Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn tarihsel etkisi alt\u0131nda oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Erdo\u011fan, 20 y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n iktidar\u0131nda d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan artan otoriterlik ele\u015ftirilerine ve ki\u015fisel imaj in\u015fas\u0131na y\u00f6neltti\u011fi \u00e7abalara ra\u011fmen, bir d\u00f6nem Atat\u00fcrk ve Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n portrelerinin yan yana sergilendi\u011fi dev ekranlar ve afi\u015fler g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Baz\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f T\u00fcrk entelekt\u00fcellere g\u00f6re Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck rakibi G\u00fclen hareketi ya da K\u00fcrtler de\u011fil, Mustafa Kemal\u2019dir. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n 12 y\u0131l \u00f6nce \u00f6nerdi\u011fi \u201cY\u00fczy\u0131l Vizyonu\u201d \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, onun en b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131nav\u0131 kendisini art\u0131k Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn g\u00f6lgesinde olmayan \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir lider olarak konumland\u0131rmak olabilir. \u015eimdilik bu olduk\u00e7a zor g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki akademisyenlerle yap\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde, ger\u00e7ek Atat\u00fcrk ile abart\u0131l\u0131 hayranl\u0131kla yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f mitolojik Atat\u00fcrk aras\u0131nda bir fark oldu\u011fu ve Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n da Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn bir g\u00f6lgesi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ortak bir kanaat vard\u0131r. Di\u011fer bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ise Erdo\u011fan ile Atat\u00fcrk aras\u0131nda esasl\u0131 bir fark olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Temmuz\u2013A\u011fustos 2023\u2019te ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fim saha ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131nda, Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7iminden sonra muhalefet destek\u00e7ilerinin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu\u2014bu hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Erdo\u011fan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmaktan \u00e7ok, kendi saflar\u0131ndaki ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa duyulan \u00f6fkeydi. \u00d6rne\u011fin, alt\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck partiden olu\u015fan muhalefet ittifak\u0131 May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu. Yenilgi resmiyet kazanmadan bile \u00f6nce i\u00e7 \u00e7eki\u015fmeler ve su\u00e7lamalar ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu durum halkta ve ayd\u0131nlarda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir d\u00fc\u015f k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratt\u0131. Bu da Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019na y\u00f6nelik sert ele\u015ftirilerle ve Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP) i\u00e7inde gen\u00e7 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131yla sonu\u00e7land\u0131; hatta baz\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler Erdo\u011fan\u2019a destek vermeye y\u00f6neldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, Erdo\u011fan konu\u015fmas\u0131nda T\u00fcrk tarihini anlat\u0131rken bin y\u0131ll\u0131k bir anlat\u0131 birimi kulland\u0131. Daha \u00f6nce Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6neminde \u00f6nerilen \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fczeyli \u201cT\u00fcrk R\u00fcyas\u0131\u201d \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131m: ilki 2023 Cumhuriyet\u2019in 100. y\u0131l\u0131 vizyonu; ikincisi, 2053 (\u0130stanbul\u2019un fethinin 600. y\u0131l\u0131); \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc ise 2071 y\u0131l\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi hedeflenen \u201cbin y\u0131l\u201d vizyonudur\u2014bu, Sel\u00e7uklular\u0131n 1071\u2019de Bizans\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaferin an\u0131lmas\u0131yla ili\u015fkilendirilir. \u201cBin y\u0131l r\u00fcyas\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131 ilk kez 2011\u2019de ortaya at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve Alp Arslan\u2019\u0131n liderli\u011findeki Sel\u00e7uklulara a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a at\u0131fta bulunmu\u015ftur. Tarihsel olarak Sel\u00e7uklular, ilk ba\u015fta M\u0131s\u0131r merkezli \u015eii Fat\u0131mi Halifeli\u011fi\u2019ni fethetmeyi hedeflemi\u015flerdi\u2014Bizans ile do\u011frudan m\u00fccadele etme niyetleri yoktu. Ancak T\u00fcrk tarihi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Bizans\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 verilen m\u00fccadelenin etkisi, M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n fethinden daha b\u00fcy\u00fck olmu\u015ftur. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n resm\u00ee tarih anlat\u0131s\u0131 s\u0131kl\u0131kla bu bin y\u0131ll\u0131k r\u00fcyay\u0131 vurgular; g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz perspektifinden bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu art\u0131k uzak bir hedef de\u011fildir. Erdo\u011fan \u201cmesaj\u0131nda\u201d, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 anlayabilmek i\u00e7in Sel\u00e7uklular\u2019dan Osmanl\u0131\u2019ya, oradan T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne uzanan bin y\u0131ll\u0131k bir ulusal yolculuk ba\u011flam\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilmesi gerekti\u011fini ifade etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, Erdo\u011fan, Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Forsu\u2019ndaki 16 y\u0131ld\u0131zla simgelenen 2200 y\u0131ll\u0131k devlet gelene\u011fine at\u0131fta bulunmu\u015ftur. Forsun tasar\u0131m\u0131 zaman i\u00e7inde \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir. Ortadaki g\u00fcne\u015f T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ni simgeler ve 16 y\u0131ld\u0131z, resmi olarak Sel\u00e7uklu egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131ndaki 16 beyli\u011fi ifade eder. Ancak 1960\u201380 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Turanc\u0131lar taraf\u0131ndan Hunlar\u2019dan Osmanl\u0131\u2019ya uzanan 16 T\u00fcrk devletini simgeledi\u011fi \u015feklinde yeniden yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2014bu da klasik bir Turanc\u0131 anlat\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n 2200 y\u0131ll\u0131k siyasal tarih vurgusu bu yoruma dayanmaktad\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Turanc\u0131l\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 daha \u00e7ok Sincan (Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan) ekseninde yap\u0131lsa da, T\u00fcrkler i\u00e7in en \u00f6ncelikli mesele bu de\u011fildir. Onlar i\u00e7in as\u0131l mesele Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 alandaki stat\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. 2021 Kas\u0131m\u2019\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde kurulan T\u00fcrk Devletleri Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n (TDT) \u00f6nemli hedeflerinden biri, Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 tan\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flama hedefi olmu\u015ftur. 2023\u2019teki Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s ziyaretimde, b\u00f6lgenin T\u00fcrkiye ile ne denli i\u00e7 i\u00e7e oldu\u011funu bizzat g\u00f6zlemledim\u2014T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den Kuzey K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019a yap\u0131lan seyahat, adeta yurt i\u00e7i seyahat gibiydi. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l mesaj\u0131, Turanc\u0131 bir t\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. 2200 y\u0131ll\u0131k y\u00f6netim tecr\u00fcbesine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vurgu, geleneksel devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na olan ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bunun g\u00f6\u00e7ebe halklar\u0131n tarihsel karakteriyle ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. G\u00f6\u00e7ebe halklar bir\u00e7ok devlet kurmu\u015f ve geni\u015f topraklar fethetmi\u015flerdir; bu tarihsel bak\u0131\u015ftan, modern T\u00fcrk siyasal elitlerinin ulusal dirili\u015fe dair tavr\u0131 ve \u00f6zlemleri anla\u015f\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Be\u015finci olarak, Erdo\u011fan, AK Parti\u2019nin 22 y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131 s\u00fcresince elde edilen \u00f6nemli ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cCumhuriyetimizi muas\u0131r medeniyet seviyesinin \u00fczerine \u00e7\u0131karacak ad\u0131mlar att\u0131k,\u201d demi\u015ftir. \u201cMuas\u0131r medeniyet seviyesi\u201d ifadesi, her e\u011fitimli T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn ders kitaplar\u0131ndan bildi\u011fi bir kavramd\u0131r\u2014Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f uygarl\u0131k seviyesine ula\u015fma hedefiyle ili\u015fkilidir ve o d\u00f6nemde Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6zellikle Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 ima eder. Bug\u00fcn Erdo\u011fan, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7mekten s\u00f6z ederek, yeni bir konumlanmaya i\u015faret etmekte ve ge\u00e7mi\u015f y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131na, ulusal g\u00fcc\u00fcn artaca\u011f\u0131na dair \u00f6zg\u00fcvenli bir inanc\u0131 yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca demokrasi, ekonomi, g\u00fcvenlik, yarg\u0131, e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k, tar\u0131m ve diplomasi gibi alanlardaki b\u00fcy\u00fck reformlar\u0131 s\u0131ralam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlardan en \u00f6nemlisi, parlamenter sistemden ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemine ge\u00e7i\u015ftir. Bu reform, bug\u00fcn Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n me\u015fruiyetinin kurumsal temeli haline gelmi\u015ftir ve tarihsel bir ba\u015far\u0131 olarak sunulmaktad\u0131r. Erdo\u011fan, bu sistemi Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u201ctam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z egemenlik\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fcyle ili\u015fkilendirerek cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet sisteminin me\u015fruiyetini bu temele dayand\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Alt\u0131nc\u0131 olarak, Erdo\u011fan konu\u015fmas\u0131nda mazlumlara duyulan ilgiyi vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 2023\u2019teki \u0130srail\u2013Hamas \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin zay\u0131f olan\u0131 koruma de\u011ferini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f ve Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u201ckimsesizlerin kimsesi\u201d ifadesini al\u0131nt\u0131lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Erdo\u011fan, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin savunmas\u0131zlar\u0131n koruyucusu oldu\u011funu ima etmi\u015ftir. 1970\u2019lerden bu yana Arap\u2013\u0130srail meselesi, daha \u00e7ok Filistin\u2013\u0130srail \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde evrilmi\u015f, ard\u0131ndan Hamas\u2013\u0130srail \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu konudaki pozisyonu zaman i\u00e7inde de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir. 1947\u2019de BM\u2019nin \u0130srail\u2019in kurulu\u015funu tan\u0131yan 181 say\u0131l\u0131 karar\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye desteklemi\u015f ve \u0130srail\u2019i tan\u0131yan ilk M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00fclkelerden biri olmu\u015ftur. Uzun s\u00fcre mezhep (S\u00fcnni\u2013\u015eii) meseleleri ya da Filistin\u2013\u0130srail meselelerine do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahale etmeyen bir politika izlenmi\u015ftir. Ancak Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6neminde, \u00f6zellikle Arap \u00fclkelerinin etkisinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131 ve meselenin marjinalle\u015fmesiyle birlikte, T\u00fcrkiye daha aktif bir duru\u015f benimsemi\u015ftir. 2010\u2019daki Mavi Marmara olay\u0131 bu ba\u011flamda tipik bir \u00f6rnektir\u2014bu olay T\u00fcrkiye\u2013\u0130srail ili\u015fkilerinde bir kopu\u015fa yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f, ABD arabuluculu\u011fuyla, \u0130srail\u2019in \u00f6zr\u00fc ve tazminat\u0131yla yeniden d\u00fczeltilmi\u015ftir. Do\u011fu Akdeniz\u2019deki do\u011fal gaz rekabeti de gerilimi art\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mevcut (Ekim 2023) \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u00f6ncesinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2013\u0130srail yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 b\u00f6lgesel yumu\u015faman\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131. Ancak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flad\u0131ktan sonra T\u00fcrkiye sert bir tutum benimsemi\u015ftir: M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019la birlikte \u00fc\u00e7 g\u00fcnl\u00fck yas ilan\u0131, insani yard\u0131m g\u00f6nderimi ve uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde \u0130srail\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 sert a\u00e7\u0131klamalar. Erdo\u011fan \u201cmesaj\u201d\u0131nda \u0130srail ad\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan anmasa da resm\u00ee hitab\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle demi\u015ftir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cBug\u00fcn Filistin ve Gazze konusunda da ayn\u0131 net duru\u015fu sergiledik… Gazze halk\u0131na yard\u0131m i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6steriyoruz. Tarih bilinci olmayanlar, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadeleyi anlamayanlar veya Cumhuriyet\u2019in neden kuruldu\u011funu kavrayamayanlar farkl\u0131 niyetler ta\u015f\u0131yabilir. Ancak biz d\u00fcn Filistin\u2019e deste\u011fimizi ifade ettik ve bu toplant\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve gelece\u011fimizi koruma kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6sterdik. Atat\u00fcrk Havaliman\u0131\u2019ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck birliktelik sayesinde, Cumhuriyet\u2019in 100. y\u0131l\u0131nda Gazi Mustafa Kemal\u2019in ruhunu ya\u015fatt\u0131k. Bundan sonra da kimsesizlerin kimsesi olmaya, hi\u00e7bir ayr\u0131m g\u00f6zetmeden onlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda durmaya devam edece\u011fiz.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn \u201ckimsesizlerin kimsesi\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc defalarca al\u0131nt\u0131layarak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sadece yurt i\u00e7inde de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte de mazlumlar\u0131 koruma ilkesine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015fmanca g\u00fc\u00e7lere ald\u0131rmaks\u0131z\u0131n T\u00fcrk R\u00fcyas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 daha g\u00f6rkemli ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131lma kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade etmi\u015ftir. Dikkate de\u011fer bir di\u011fer husus, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n ter\u00f6r\u00fc emperyalist bir ara\u00e7 olarak nitelendirmesidir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarih boyunca d\u0131\u015f m\u00fcdahalelere ve toprak tehditlerine maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ancak ilahi koruma alt\u0131nda \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131\u201d r\u00fcyas\u0131n\u0131 mutlaka ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirece\u011fini belirtmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l \u201cmesaj\u0131\u201d ile iletti\u011fi temel mesajlar bunlard\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir \u00c7inli ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 i\u00e7in bu belgeyle ba\u015flamak, \u00fclkeyi y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda anlaman\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir yoludur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 2. B\u00f6lgesel ve K\u00fcresel D\u00fczen Perspektifinden Y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc Y\u0131l T\u00fcrkiye\u2019si<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Tarihsel bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Erdo\u011fan Sel\u00e7uklulardan Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019na kadar uzanan tarihsel ilerlemeye de\u011finmi\u015ftir. Sel\u00e7uklular esas olarak Avrupa\u2019daki Ha\u00e7l\u0131 Seferleri\u2019ne kar\u015f\u0131 bir direni\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, Osmanl\u0131lar \u0130slam medeniyetinin kurtar\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirilmi\u015ftir. Philip Hitti\u2019nin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne g\u00f6re, Araplar taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilen \u0130slam medeniyeti, 1258 y\u0131l\u0131nda Mo\u011follar taraf\u0131ndan neredeyse yok edilmi\u015ftir. Orta Do\u011fu\u2019da \u0130slam medeniyetinin ger\u00e7ek anlamda yeniden do\u011fu\u015fu, Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6neminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu tarihi bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak inceledi\u011fimizde, T\u00fcrklerin Sel\u00e7uklu ve Osmanl\u0131 imparatorluklar\u0131ndan ya da \u201cYeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan yakla\u015f\u0131mlardan s\u00f6z etmeleri, yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u00e7 meseleleriyle ilgili olmay\u0131p, asl\u0131nda t\u00fcm b\u00f6lgeyi ve \u0130slam medeniyetini ilgilendirmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrk ulusal tarihi Sel\u00e7uklu d\u00f6nemine kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclebilir; baz\u0131 anlat\u0131lar ise 2200 y\u0131l \u00f6ncesine, Hunlara kadar uzan\u0131r. Ancak Sel\u00e7uklu d\u00f6nemi \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nemlidir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Orta Do\u011fu’da somut ve belgelenmi\u015f T\u00fcrk tarihsel miras\u0131, Ba\u011fdat’taki halifenin 1055’te Sel\u00e7uklu denetimine ge\u00e7mesi ve sultan unvan\u0131n\u0131n al\u0131nmas\u0131 ile 1071’deki Malazgirt Sava\u015f\u0131 olmak \u00fczere iki olayla somutla\u015f\u0131r. Anadolu\u2019nun uzun medeniyet tarihine k\u0131yasla, 11. y\u00fczy\u0131l kay\u0131tlar\u0131 olduk\u00e7a ge\u00e7tir; bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 1071 \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemle ili\u015fkisini yeniden kurmas\u0131 gerekmektedir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde T\u00fcrkiye, hem Anadolu\u2019nun daha geni\u015f medeniyet miras\u0131n\u0131 sahiplenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakta hem de Sel\u00e7uklu ve eski T\u00fcrk tarihini modern ulus-devlet anlat\u0131s\u0131na d\u00e2hil etmeye u\u011fra\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca (Yeni) Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar \u00e7o\u011funlukla Bat\u0131l\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan esinlenmekte, Osmanl\u0131 h\u00e2kimiyetinde bulunmu\u015f b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin perspektiflerini ihmal etmektedir. Bu alanda Arap\u00e7a bilen ve Orta Do\u011fu \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan gen\u00e7 T\u00fcrk ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar dikkate de\u011fer \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar yapmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Arap \u00fclkeleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu konu karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Bir yandan Arap milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, Osmanl\u0131 miras\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a reddeder. \u00d6te yandan \u0130slamc\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu, \u0130slam medeniyetinin canland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak kabul edilmektedir. \u00d6zellikle El Cezire gibi medya organlar\u0131nda Osmanl\u0131 tarihine dair g\u00f6rece olumlu bir bak\u0131\u015f \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla baz\u0131lar\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 miras\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karman\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan diplomatik bir hata oldu\u011funu, di\u011fer \u00fclkeleri rahats\u0131z edebilece\u011fini savunsa da, ger\u00e7ek tablo bu kadar siyah-beyaz de\u011fildir. \u00d6zellikle Filistin-\u0130srail \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n son d\u00f6nemde yeniden t\u0131rmanmas\u0131yla birlikte, baz\u0131 Arap \u00fclkelerinin “karde\u015flerini” koruyamamas\u0131 nedeniyle kamuoyunda Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131 duygular y\u00fckselebilir. Erdo\u011fan bunun \u00e7ok iyi fark\u0131ndad\u0131r\u2014Filistin meselesindeki uzun s\u00fcreli \u0130srail kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 tutumu bu duruma bir \u00f6rnektir. Tarihsel olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Filistin meselesi dahi Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerce y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 sonucu ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her h\u00e2l\u00fck\u00e2rda, Araplar ile T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki Osmanl\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015finden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bug\u00fcn modern T\u00fcrkiye hakk\u0131nda yap\u0131lan y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k de\u011ferlendirmeler genellikle Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ile ba\u015flar; bu sava\u015f, modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n zeminini haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6rnek olarak, Suudi Arabistan\u2019daki Medine yak\u0131nlar\u0131nda yer alan, T. E. Lawrence\u2019\u0131n (“Arabistanl\u0131 Lawrence”, 1888\u20131935) bir d\u00f6nem ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ev g\u00f6sterilebilir. Binada \u201cBuras\u0131 Lawrence\u2019\u0131n evidir. Araplar\u0131n T\u00fcrklere kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015fine yard\u0131m etmi\u015ftir.\u201d yaz\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye ve Arap devletlerinin \u015fekillenmesini sa\u011flayan, asl\u0131nda Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi ele al\u0131rken\u2014ister g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ister 100 y\u0131l \u00f6ncesi olsun\u2014k\u00fcresel d\u00fczenin g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurulmas\u0131 gerekir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz k\u00fcresel manzaras\u0131nda k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin gerilemesi ve \u00c7in\u2013ABD ili\u015fkilerinde tarihsel bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00f6z konusudur. Son y\u0131llarda, \u201cara g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve orta b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckteki \u00fclkelerin\u201d y\u00fckseli\u015fi daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkiye, bu e\u011filimin en belirgin temsilcisi say\u0131labilir. Di\u011fer \u00f6rnek verilen \u00fclkeler, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fi, stat\u00fcs\u00fc ve etkisine sahip de\u011fildir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Brezilya y\u00fcz\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcm\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndan daha b\u00fcy\u00fck olabilir; ancak k\u00fcresel jeopolitik h\u00e2l\u00e2 Avrasya merkezli oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in Brezilya bir jeopolitik g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fildir. \u00c7in\u2019in k\u00fcresel d\u00fczen ve ara g\u00fc\u00e7lere y\u00f6nelik perspektifinden bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00fclkeler n\u00fcfus ya da milli gelir b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi kriterlerle de\u011fil, jeopolitik niteliklerine g\u00f6re de\u011ferlendirilir. Bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2014Akdeniz ile Karadeniz aras\u0131ndaki bo\u011fazlara h\u00fckmetmesiyle\u2014jeopolitik a\u00e7\u0131dan a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kilit bir akt\u00f6rd\u00fcr. Bu durum, Rusya\u2013Ukrayna ba\u011flam\u0131nda ekonomi ve enerji alanlar\u0131nda da belirgindir. Karadeniz lojisti\u011fi ya da kara tabanl\u0131 enerji boru hatlar\u0131nda olsun, T\u00fcrkiye kritik bir ge\u00e7i\u015f \u00fclkesidir. Avrasya jeopoliti\u011findeki mevcut de\u011fi\u015fimlerle birlikte, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin stratejik \u00f6nemi artmaya devam etmektedir. Bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi\u2014ister ge\u00e7mi\u015f ister bug\u00fcnk\u00fc h\u00e2liyle\u2014incelerken sadece i\u00e7 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlere de\u011fil, \u00e7evresindeki yap\u0131sal de\u011fi\u015fimlere de dikkat etmek gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Uzun y\u0131llar boyunca iki Bat\u0131l\u0131 ideoloji\u2014liberalizm ve milliyet\u00e7ilik\u2014d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerimizi \u015fekillendirmi\u015ftir. Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun de\u011ferlendirilmesinde de genellikle \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131llarca me\u015fgul eden “\u015eark Meselesi”nin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr; bu nedenle Avrupal\u0131lar, Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fal olarak memnuniyetle kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131 egemenli\u011finde bulunan pek \u00e7ok ulus ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanm\u0131\u015f ve ulusal anlat\u0131lar\u0131nda Osmanl\u0131\u2019ya olumlu bir yer vermemi\u015ftir. Bu durum T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir: Osmanl\u0131 nas\u0131l hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131d\u0131r? Modern ulus-devletin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k m\u00fccadelesiyle Osmanl\u0131 miras\u0131 nas\u0131l ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r? Bunlar karma\u015f\u0131k meselelerdir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde Osmanl\u0131 sembollerinin yeniden canlanmas\u0131, \u00f6zellikle d\u0131\u015f politikada, genellikle “Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k” olarak tan\u0131mlanmakta\u2014bu ise \u00e7o\u011funlukla Bat\u0131l\u0131 ve Arap yorumcular taraf\u0131ndan yeniden canland\u0131rmac\u0131 bir niyet olarak yorumlanmaktad\u0131r. Oysa bu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin jeopolitik \u00e7evresindeki etkisini yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6te yandan, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019daki par\u00e7alanman\u0131n ve kaosun da temel nedenidir. Bu bir nostalji de\u011fil, nesnel bir g\u00f6zlemdir. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n iki “barut f\u0131\u00e7\u0131s\u0131” olan Balkanlar ve Orta Do\u011fu, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci-emperyalist yay\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Osmanl\u0131 devletinin tasfiyesiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn fark yaratan, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu miras yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7indeki rol\u00fcn\u00fcn ve g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn son yirmi y\u0131lda artmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin jeopolitik ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme i\u015faret eder. \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkiye, bir\u00e7ok yeni devlet gibi, kalabal\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7inde kaybolmu\u015f; Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc ve tehdidi ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bug\u00fcn, bir y\u00fczy\u0131l sonra, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti b\u00f6lgesel bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak yeniden sahneye \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hem k\u0131smen bir Balkan devleti hem de bir Orta Do\u011fu devletidir; bu iki eski Osmanl\u0131 b\u00f6lgesinin k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda ve kesi\u015fiminde konumlanmaktad\u0131r. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte Osmanl\u0131 merkezdi; Balkanlar ve Orta Do\u011fu ise onun kanatlar\u0131yd\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla jeopolitik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan: bir y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nce, Osmanl\u0131 merkezi par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f ve iki b\u00f6lge\u2014Balkanlar ile Orta Do\u011fu\u2014olu\u015fmu\u015ftur; bir y\u00fczy\u0131l sonra ise, modern T\u00fcrkiye bu iki b\u00f6lgenin k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda ve kav\u015fa\u011f\u0131nda yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi jeopolitik ve k\u00fcresel ba\u011flamda anlamak, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcn yap\u0131sal de\u011fi\u015fimi fark etmeyi gerektirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6nemindeki T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin y\u00fckseli\u015fi, Avrupa ve Orta Do\u011fu i\u00e7in yeni bir jeopolitik de\u011fi\u015fken niteli\u011findedir. \u00c7in\u2019in bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu, ara g\u00fcc\u00fcn y\u00fckseli\u015fi olarak de\u011ferlendirilir; yerel jeopolitik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ise bu, yeni bir tarihsel olgudur. Bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yan\u0131tlar Osmanl\u0131 tarihinde aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n arka plan\u0131nda, Araplar\u0131n, Avrupal\u0131lar\u0131n ve T\u00fcrklerin ortak ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 canl\u0131 olan tarihsel deneyimi ve haf\u0131zas\u0131 yer al\u0131r. \u00c7inli g\u00f6zlemciler i\u00e7in bu, Yuan, Ming ya da Qing hanedanlar\u0131ndan farks\u0131z g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilir; ancak b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131 i\u00e7in Osmanl\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ger\u00e7ekliklerinin merkezindedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Osmanl\u0131 sonras\u0131 Orta Do\u011fu ile Balkanlar\/Do\u011fu Avrupa, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerdir: Rusya\u2013Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131 ve \u0130srail\u2013Hamas \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131. Y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l T\u00fcrkiye\u2019si, bu jeopolitik yap\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde konumlanmaktad\u0131r. Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6neminde, Cumhuriyet\u2019in y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye Avrasya\u2019n\u0131n bu hassas jeopolitik sahas\u0131nda b\u00f6lgesel bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle her iki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmada da \u00f6nemli roller \u00fcstlenmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin jeopolitik y\u00fckseli\u015fi ayn\u0131 zamanda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve egemen bir devletin y\u00fckseli\u015fidir\u2014modern bir ulus-devlet kimli\u011finin vurgusudur. Orta Do\u011fu ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\/Balkanlar\u2019daki di\u011fer \u00fclkelerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin en b\u00fcy\u00fck avantaj\u0131 devlet y\u00f6netme kapasitesidir\u2014yaln\u0131zca asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir\u00e7ok Avrupa \u00fclkesinde olmayan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kitle partisi olan AK Parti\u2019ye sahip olmas\u0131d\u0131r. E\u011fer T\u00fcrkiye Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131rsa, AK Parti belki de Avrupa\u2019daki tek ger\u00e7ek kitle partisidir. Avrupa\u2019daki partilerin \u00e7o\u011fu\u2014sol, sa\u011f, \u00e7evreci, toplumsal cinsiyet odakl\u0131 ya da neo-Nazi e\u011filimli\u2014\u00e7o\u011funlukla ni\u015f gruplard\u0131r. Y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k perspektiften bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin AB \u00fcyeli\u011fine y\u00f6nelik uzun s\u00fcredir ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 umut art\u0131k giderek s\u00f6nmektedir\u2014bu durum, elli, yirmi ya da hatta on y\u0131l \u00f6ncesiyle keskin bir z\u0131tl\u0131k olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bu da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin k\u00fcresel ve Avrasya jeopolitik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6nemine ait iki \u00f6nemli belgeyi inceledik: \u201cY\u00fczy\u0131l Vizyonu\u201d ve AK Parti\u2019nin 2023 se\u00e7im beyannamesi. Y\u00fczy\u0131l Vizyonu\u2019nun 2023 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck 10 ekonomisi aras\u0131na sokma hedefi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015ftir, ancak bir vizyon olarak fazla tart\u0131\u015fma yaratmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Y\u00fczy\u0131l Vizyonu, ulusal kalk\u0131nman\u0131n t\u00fcm y\u00f6nlerini kapsar. Kemalist d\u00f6nem \u00f6tesinde bu hedef ve metinlerin analiz edilmesi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde elzemdir. Bunlar aras\u0131nda yeni anayasa, laiklik tan\u0131m\u0131, ekonomik hedefler, k\u00fcresel ili\u015fkiler ve yeni bir jeopolitik bak\u0131\u015f yer al\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Stratejik derinlik art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca Orta Do\u011fu\u2019yu de\u011fil, Balkanlar, Kafkasya, Afrika ve Orta Asya\u2019y\u0131 da kapsamaktad\u0131r. Akademisyenler bu tarihsel ba\u011flant\u0131lara yap\u0131lan vurgunun Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k yans\u0131mas\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtmi\u015ftir. Orta Asya ile dil, din ve etnik ba\u011flara yap\u0131lan vurgu (Pan-T\u00fcrkizm) da bu vizyonun bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l konu\u015fmas\u0131 bu t\u0131n\u0131y\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu vizyonun i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Bu vizyonda Orta Asya ile \u00fcst d\u00fczey ili\u015fkiler ve Afrika ile stratejik ortakl\u0131klar \u00f6nerilmi\u015ftir\u2014bunlar on y\u0131l \u00f6ncesine dayanan pozisyonlard\u0131r. AB ba\u011flam\u0131nda, vizyon tam \u00fcyelik hedefini s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n sundu\u011fu \u201c\u00f6zel \u00fcyelik\u201d gibi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lay\u0131c\u0131 stat\u00fcleri reddetmektedir. Ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrk kamuoyunun AB\u2019ye olan g\u00fcven kayb\u0131 da not edilmi\u015ftir. Y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nce T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma, Avrupa ile b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmek anlam\u0131na geliyordu; bug\u00fcn ise AB \u00fcyeli\u011fi art\u0131k bir \u00f6ncelik de\u011fildir\u2014bu da y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sindeki bir di\u011fer \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fimdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nisan 2023\u2019te, Cumhuriyet\u2019in y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda AK Parti se\u00e7im beyannamesini yay\u0131mlad\u0131: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 \u0130\u00e7in Do\u011fru Ad\u0131mlar\u201d. \u0130ngilizce \u00e7evirisiyle genellikle \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 Bildirgesi\u201d olarak an\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu bildiri alt\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcme ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: afet y\u00f6netimi, sosyo-politika, d\u0131\u015f politika, ulusal g\u00fcvenlik, ekonomi ve di\u011fer alanlar. Y\u00fczy\u0131l Vizyonu\u2019na k\u0131yasla bu bildirge, d\u0131\u015f politika stratejisine daha fazla vurgu yapar\u2014T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgesel ve k\u00fcresel meselelerdeki rol\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7eker ve etkili, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, dinamik ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir T\u00fcrk ekseni \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulunur. Bu da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kurumlar (devlet kapasitesi), kapsaml\u0131 diplomasi ve her tehdidi kar\u015f\u0131layabilecek cayd\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir ordu kurma hedeflerini i\u00e7erir. Bunlar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin gelecek y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki temel hedefleridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kurumsal olarak bildirge \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa dayanmay\u0131 vurgular\u2014bu, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 30 y\u0131ld\u0131r T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclen \u00e7ok tarafl\u0131 angajmana dayal\u0131 stratejidir. Bu strateji \u00fc\u00e7 stratejik ku\u015fa\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r: (1) yak\u0131n b\u00f6lge\u2014yani Orta Do\u011fu; (2) di\u011fer k\u0131talara kurumsal a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m; (3) k\u00fcresel angajman. Bu ku\u015faklar \u00e7ok boyutlu bir T\u00fcrk ekseni olu\u015fturarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin stratejik h\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131t\u0131r. Bildirge ayr\u0131ca b\u00f6lgesel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n sona erdirilmesini\u2014\u00f6zellikle Karadeniz, Balkanlar, Avrupa, Kuzey Afrika, Orta Do\u011fu ve K\u00f6rfez\u2019de\u2014ve diplomatik etkinli\u011fin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr. \u0130kinci ku\u015fak Asya, Afrika ve Latin Amerika\u2019y\u0131 kapsar\u2014burada BRICS, y\u00fckselen ekonomiler ve K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019e odaklan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu b\u00f6lgelerin artan rol\u00fcyle birlikte T\u00fcrkiye, bu b\u00f6lgelere daha fazla a\u00e7\u0131lmay\u0131 hedeflemektedir. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc ku\u015fak ise k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeydedir ve \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131\u201d ba\u011flam\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye merkezli kapsaml\u0131 bir diplomatik sistem \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr. G\u00fcvenlik konular\u0131na da vurgu yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2014sadece ter\u00f6r ve enerji g\u00fcvenli\u011fi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda 3 milyondan fazla g\u00f6\u00e7mene ev sahipli\u011fi yapan T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in g\u00f6\u00e7 meselesi de \u00f6nceliklidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sonu\u00e7 olarak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin diplomatik stratejisi art\u0131k geleneksel \u201cDo\u011fu ile Bat\u0131 aras\u0131nda k\u00f6pr\u00fc\u201d anlat\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir\u2014bu anlat\u0131 \u00d6zal d\u00f6neminden beri vurgulan\u0131yordu. AK Parti d\u00f6neminde \u201cmerkez \u00fclke\u201d kavram\u0131 kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l s\u00fcrecinde ise \u201ceksen \u00fclke\u201d terimi benimsenmi\u015ftir. Her ikisi de Davuto\u011flu\u2019nun \u201cstratejik derinlik\u201d kavram\u0131na dayanmakla birlikte, \u201ceksen \u00fclke\u201d kavram\u0131 Cumhuriyet\u2019in y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda bunun daha derinle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir s\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n III. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc Y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n Y\u00f6ntemsel Anlam\u0131<\/strong> T\u00fcrkiye, bir model olarak hem \u00f6zg\u00fcn hem de \u00e7e\u015fitlilik i\u00e7erir. \u201cAsya\u2019n\u0131n uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan\u201d Kemalist reformlara, 1940\u2019lar\u0131n sonundaki siyasi demokratikle\u015fmeden So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131 (\u00f6zellikle Orta Asya ve Kafkasya) i\u00e7in bir modele, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda ABD\u2019nin \u201cGeni\u015fletilmi\u015f Orta Do\u011fu Demokrasi Plan\u0131\u201d \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde te\u015fvik edilen bir modele d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde liberal demokrasi ile otoriterlik aras\u0131ndaki ikili bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 kamuoyunu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u015fekilde etkiliyor ve Bat\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye kamuoyunda Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019si liberal demokrasinin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lan\u0131yor. Ancak Bat\u0131 modellerinin azalan prestiji ve kapitalist d\u00fcnya sistemindeki sorunlar\u0131n (Rusya-Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131, \u0130srail-Filistin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 gibi) giderek daha fazla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sini h\u00e2l\u00e2 bu eski teorilerle a\u00e7\u0131klamak gerekli mi? S\u00f6zde \u201cErdo\u011fanizm\u201d sosyal bilimsel ara\u015ft\u0131rma a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ge\u00e7erli bir konu olabilir mi? Uzun vadeli uygulamalar g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ekonomi ve finans alan\u0131ndaki baz\u0131 sorunlar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye h\u00e2l\u00e2 nispeten b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir \u00fcretim taban\u0131na ve \u00f6nemli bir b\u00fcy\u00fcme potansiyeline sahip bir jeopolitik g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kal\u0131c\u0131 bir orta g\u00fc\u00e7 stat\u00fcs\u00fc, ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na incelenmeye de\u011fer bir vakad\u0131r. K\u00fcresel kayg\u0131 ve belirsizlik ortam\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Avrupa ile ili\u015fkisi\u2014ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 alg\u0131lar\u2014da s\u00fcrekli de\u011fi\u015fmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Asl\u0131nda, baz\u0131 geleneksel bili\u015fsel \u00e7er\u00e7evelerden kurtulmam\u0131z gerekiyor. Tarihsel olarak, kutsal\/laik, bilim\/din, otoriterlik\/demokrasi gibi ikilikler \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirmeye al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. Bu anlamda, modern T\u00fcrkiye tarihi ve siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi \u00e7o\u011funlukla Tanzimat, Gen\u00e7 Osmanl\u0131lar, J\u00f6n T\u00fcrkler ve Kemalizm hatt\u0131nda, Bat\u0131l\u0131 modeller temelinde do\u011frusal bir reform tarihi olarak ele al\u0131nd\u0131. Yak\u0131n Do\u011fu gibi bir \u00fclkenin bu d\u0131\u015f fikirleri \u00f6z\u00fcmseyebilmesi i\u00e7in Ziya G\u00f6kalp gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler uygarl\u0131k ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yapma yoluna gittiler\u2014bu, \u00c7in modern tarihindeki \u201cti-yong\u201d (\u00f6z-esas ve i\u015flev) tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na benzer. Atat\u00fcrk d\u00f6neminde T\u00fcrkiye daha radikal bir Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma yolu izledi. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bir\u00e7ok ki\u015fi mevcut d\u00f6nemi \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve \u201ctarihsel gerileme\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlar. Ama ger\u00e7ekten b\u00f6yle mi? Yoksa bu, T\u00fcrk modernle\u015fmesinin yeni bir a\u015famas\u0131 m\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00f6kalp sadece Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bahsetmi\u015fti, fakat bug\u00fcn Bat\u0131 da kendini yeniden de\u011ferlendirmektedir\u2014\u00f6zellikle sosyal bilimlerde \u201cAvrupa\u2019y\u0131 yerelle\u015ftirme\u201d e\u011filimiyle birlikte. Bu, Bat\u0131\u2019y\u0131 art\u0131k tek standart ve model olarak almamak anlam\u0131na gelir. E\u011fer Bat\u0131 perspektifini ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rsak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendisi y\u00f6ntemsel bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 ve referans olabilir mi\u2014yani d\u00fcnyay\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi bir y\u00f6ntem olarak\u201d kullanabilir miyiz? \u00d6nceden Avrupa, kendi \u00e7er\u00e7eve ve sorular\u0131 ile T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi inceliyordu. Peki \u015fimdi, T\u00fcrkiye Avrupa\u2019ya sorular y\u00f6neltebilir ve ondan cevap talep edebilir mi? Y\u00f6ntemsel a\u00e7\u0131dan, Japon akademisyen Mizoguchi Y\u016bz\u014d 1980\u2019lerde \u201c\u00c7in\u2019i bir y\u00f6ntem olarak kullanma\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc; bu, d\u00fcnya tarihini ara\u015ft\u0131rma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyuyordu. Ona g\u00f6re Japon akademisyenler \u00c7in klasikleriyle tan\u0131\u015f\u0131k olsa da, bunlar\u0131 yaln\u0131zca k\u00fclt\u00fcrel sermaye olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor, sosyal bilimlerde epistemolojik ara\u00e7 olarak de\u011ferlendirmiyorlard\u0131. Bu nedenle, \u00c7in\u2019in kavramlar\u0131n\u0131, teorilerini, y\u00f6ntemlerini ve deneyimlerini kullanarak d\u00fcnyay\u0131\u2014ve Japonya\u2019y\u0131\u2014ara\u015ft\u0131rma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Biz T\u00fcrkoloji akademisyenleri olarak g\u00f6rebiliyoruz ki T\u00fcrkiye y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k bir s\u00fcreci tamamlam\u0131\u015f durumda ve bu, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya \u00fclkeleri i\u00e7inde nispeten tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bir modernle\u015fme \u00f6rne\u011fi sunuyor. T\u00fcrkiye erken ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k kazand\u0131, erken Bat\u0131 tarz\u0131 modernle\u015fme ya\u015fad\u0131 ve Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir \u00fclke olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir yol \u00e7izdi. \u015eimdi, y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131 geride b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015fken, bu \u00fclke bize d\u00fcnya\u2014\u00f6zellikle Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131\u2014tarihi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in yeni yakla\u015f\u0131mlar geli\u015ftirmemize yard\u0131mc\u0131 olabilir mi? Japonlar\u0131n deyi\u015fiyle: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi bir y\u00f6ntem olarak kullanarak di\u011fer Orta Do\u011fu veya Afrika \u00fclkelerini incelemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir mi? \u00c7in\u2019in b\u00fcy\u00fck boyutu, co\u011frafi uzakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 nedeniyle Orta Do\u011fu ve Kuzey Afrika ile do\u011frudan kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 zordur. Ancak T\u00fcrkiye, bu b\u00f6lgelerle bir\u00e7ok ortak tarihsel gelene\u011fe sahiptir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi bir y\u00f6ntem olarak kullanmak\u201d, yeni akademik ve kuramsal yakla\u015f\u0131mlar geli\u015ftirmemize olanak tan\u0131yabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte, bir\u00e7ok ara\u015ft\u0131rma sorusu Bat\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda form\u00fcle edildi\u2014\u00f6rne\u011fin sek\u00fclerle\u015fme ve \u0130slami kad\u0131 sistemi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, hep Bat\u0131l\u0131 fikirlerle \u015fekillendi; kuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kavramlara dayan\u0131yordu. Atat\u00fcrk bile laiklik ve din-devlet ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nerdi\u011finde, esasen Bat\u0131l\u0131 sorunlara cevap veriyordu: ateizm, dinin \u00f6zel hayata kayd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, dinin kamusal alandan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131. Ancak Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6neminde laiklik tan\u0131m\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fti. Art\u0131k \u201cayr\u0131l\u0131k\u201d de\u011fil, egemen bir devletin t\u00fcm inan\u00e7lara e\u015fit mesafede yakla\u015fmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi vurgulan\u0131yor. Bu, Erdo\u011fan d\u00f6neminde laiklik kavram\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015fimi yans\u0131t\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye h\u00e2l\u00e2 kendini laik bir devlet olarak tan\u0131mlar ve \u201cT\u00fcrk modeli\u201dni savunmaya devam eder. Arap Bahar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde Erdo\u011fan bunu aktif \u015fekilde te\u015fvik etti, sonras\u0131nda baz\u0131 akademisyenler buna \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler modeli\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi Orta Do\u011fu\u2019da en ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 \u00f6rnek olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Bu da bize ara\u015ft\u0131rma y\u00f6ntemi veya referans noktas\u0131 olarak \u00f6zetlenebilecek iyi bir \u00f6rnek sunar\u2014di\u011fer Orta Do\u011fu \u00fclkelerini \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken Bat\u0131 sek\u00fclerli\u011fini k\u00f6r\u00fc k\u00f6r\u00fcne almak yerine. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Bat\u0131 laikli\u011finin \u00f6n varsay\u0131m\u0131 bir kilise sisteminin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu kurumun devletten ayr\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak \u0130slam\u2019da bir kilise kurumu bulunmaz. Bu nedenle \u201cdin ve devlet ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d genellikle birey d\u00fczeyinde M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 hedef al\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ayr\u0131lacak kurumsal bir din yoktur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bat\u0131 sek\u00fclerizmi M\u00fcsl\u00fcman d\u00fcnyayla yap\u0131sal olarak uyumlu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, Kemalizm’den Erdo\u011fanizme laiklik tan\u0131m\u0131ndaki evrim, T\u00fcrk ulus in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n seyrini yans\u0131t\u0131r. Bunu \u201c\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u201d ya da \u201ctarihsel gerileme\u201d olarak adland\u0131rmak sorunludur\u2014bu, tipik bir Bat\u0131-merkezli yarg\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken \u201ckilise-devlet ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d gibi analitik ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullanmak, bilgi \u00fcretimi ve y\u00f6ntem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan fazla bir \u015fey katmaz. \u00d6nceki ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar, dinin devletten ayr\u0131l\u0131p ayr\u0131lmamas\u0131 ya da devletin dini kontrol edip etmemesi \u00fczerine yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, ya da kentli-k\u0131rsal elitler aras\u0131nda ikilik kurarak, dinin ahlaki ve etik kimlik gibi toplumsal i\u015flevlerini ihmal etmi\u015ftir. G\u00f6kalp\u2019in bu konulardaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri T\u00fcrk ba\u011flam\u0131na dayan\u0131r ve bu y\u00fczden onun uygarl\u0131k ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr ayr\u0131m\u0131 yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilmeye de\u011fer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Eski kutsal\/laik ikili\u011fi, \u00e7o\u011funlukla iki t\u00fcr \u201cbina\u201d sembol\u00fcyle ifade edilirdi: camiler ve Halkevleri. Halkevleri, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi\u2019nin kamusal alan\u0131n\u0131; cami ise \u0130slami gelene\u011fi temsil ederdi. Bu mimari sembolizm, T\u00fcrkiye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n temel \u00e7er\u00e7evesini olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. 2020 y\u0131l\u0131nda Ayasofya tekrar camiye \u00e7evrildi\u011finde bile, bir\u00e7ok ki\u015fi bunu \u0130slamc\u0131 siyasetin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olarak yorumlad\u0131. Ben bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe kat\u0131lm\u0131yorum. Bu olay\u0131n \u0130slamc\u0131 siyasetle do\u011frudan ilgisi yoktur. Baz\u0131 T\u00fcrk akademisyenler laikli\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi perspektifinden yorumluyor, bu da \u00c7in\u2019deki baz\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131yla benze\u015fiyor. Bu de\u011fi\u015fim\u2014dini-laik ikili\u011finden s\u0131n\u0131fa dsayal\u0131 bir analize ge\u00e7i\u015f\u2014\u00c7inli T\u00fcrkoloji ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n daha fazla dikkatini \u00e7ekmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00c7e\u015fitli iddia \u015f\u00fcphelere ra\u011fmen, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin laik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi temelde de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir. \u0130nsanlar s\u0131k s\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u015fu anda \u0130slamc\u0131 bir parti taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi\u011fini vurgular. Ancak AKP kendini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a muhafazak\u00e2r demokrat bir parti olarak tan\u0131mlar. Bu nedenle Bat\u0131 merkezli etiketlere fazla tak\u0131lmak yerine, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendi \u00f6z tan\u0131m\u0131na de\u011fer vermeliyiz. AKP kendisini muhafazak\u00e2r demokrat bir parti olarak a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kemalist d\u00f6neme k\u0131yasla, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019si artan bir \u00e7o\u011fulculukla karakterize edilir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00e7e\u015fitli sesler duyulabiliyor, dernekler kurulabiliyor, farkl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131 ve partiler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabiliyor. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte devlet dinden uzak dururken, \u015fimdi din e\u011fitimine daha fazla \u00f6nem veriyor. Bence T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de bir \u201csiyasal-ideolojik e\u011fitim\u201d (sixiang zhengzhi) sorunu vard\u0131r\u2014devletin din\u00ee ve ahlaki e\u011fitimi nas\u0131l y\u00f6netti\u011fi meselesi. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken \u201c\u00c7in\u2019i bir y\u00f6ntem olarak\u201d kullan\u0131rsak, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n yeniden canlanmas\u0131 olgusunu siyasal-ideolojik bir mesele olarak anlayabiliriz. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, onu daha iyi kavramam\u0131za yard\u0131mc\u0131 olabilir; aksi halde Bat\u0131 kli\u015felerine\u2014\u201c\u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi\u201d veya \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel gerilemesi\u201d\u2014ba\u011fl\u0131 kal\u0131r\u0131z. \u0130slami siyaset, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k veya siyasal \u0130slam gibi terimler, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019yu\u2014\u00f6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi\u2014anlamak i\u00e7in pek i\u015fe yaramad\u0131. AKP, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendi tarihine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc vurgular. Gen\u00e7 Osmanl\u0131lar ve G\u00f6kalp\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri, Bat\u0131 bilgisinin yenilik\u00e7i \u015fekilde benimsenmesinin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131yd\u0131 ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f y\u00f6n\u00fc olmaya devam ediyor. Bunlar, y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sundu\u011fu temel fikirlerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ordunun siyasete m\u00fcdahalesi<\/strong>, uzun zamand\u0131r T\u00fcrkiye ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n temel konular\u0131ndan biri olmu\u015ftur. Asker-sivil ili\u015fkileri, hem antik hem modern tarihte yer bulan bir temad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye’de bir d\u00f6nem askeri darbeler s\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fclse de, son y\u0131llarda b\u00fcy\u00fck de\u011fi\u015fimler ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle son on y\u0131lda ya\u015fanan ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z darbe giri\u015fiminin ard\u0131ndan \u015fu soruyu sormam\u0131z gerekiyor: Y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k perspektiften bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, sivil siyaset T\u00fcrk ordusunu ger\u00e7ekten bast\u0131rabildi mi? T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu alandaki deneyimi \u00f6zetlenmeye de\u011ferdir. Asya, Afrika ve Latin Amerika\u2019daki bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede benzer askeri m\u00fcdahaleler ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2014\u00f6rne\u011fin M\u0131s\u0131r, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda bir askeri darbeye sahne olmu\u015ftur; Pakistan ve Tayland da \u00f6yle. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc\u2014bir askeri-devlet kurulu\u015fundan ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z bir darbe sonras\u0131nda sivil h\u00fck\u00fcmetin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde zirveye ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u00fcrece\u2014asker-sivil ili\u015fkilerinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131r\u0131lmay\u0131 ifade eder. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti? Hangi yap\u0131sal sebepler ve mekanizmalar bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc sa\u011flad\u0131? T\u00fcrkiye, bir y\u00fczy\u0131l i\u00e7inde asker-sivil ili\u015fkilerinde tam bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ge\u00e7irdi diyebilir miyiz? Modern T\u00fcrkiye tarihini incelemek i\u00e7in bu, \u00f6nemli bir giri\u015f noktas\u0131 olabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bir di\u011fer \u00f6nemli konu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/strong> T\u00fcrkiye yakla\u015f\u0131k seksen y\u0131ld\u0131r \u00e7ok partili demokrasiye sahiptir, ancak h\u00e2l\u00e2 s\u0131kl\u0131kla yaln\u0131zca otoriter bir \u00fclke olarak etiketlenmektedir. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor ki, bu t\u00fcr bir model T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi a\u00e7\u0131klamakta yetersiz kalmaktad\u0131r. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n yirmi y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen kurumsal de\u011fi\u015fimleri, Bat\u0131 tarz\u0131 demokratikle\u015fmeden \u00e7ok partili siyasete kadar olan s\u00fcreci anlamal\u0131y\u0131z. Bu evrim, asker-sivil ili\u015fkileriyle birlikte ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bir tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak de\u011ferlendirilebilir mi? T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bug\u00fcn nispeten istikrarl\u0131 bir i\u00e7 siyasi yap\u0131 olu\u015ftu ve gelecekteki siyasi geli\u015fmeler \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclebilir hale geldi diyebilir miyiz? Avrupa Birli\u011fi ve Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nden gelen g\u00f6zlemciler, son y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrkiye’deki se\u00e7imlerde ciddi usuls\u00fczl\u00fckler tespit etmediler. 2019 yerel se\u00e7imlerinde AKP, yenilenen se\u00e7imlerde daha b\u00fcy\u00fck kay\u0131plar ya\u015fad\u0131 ama sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 kabul etti. Bu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi olgunlu\u011funun bir g\u00f6stergesi say\u0131labilir mi? Son y\u0131llarda, T\u00fcrkiye ana ak\u0131m medyas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye ve Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n Bat\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan en \u00e7ok \u015feytanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan fig\u00fcrler oldu\u011funu vurguluyor. Bu durumda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi kendi perspektifinden nas\u0131l anlayabiliriz ve bu \u015feytanla\u015ft\u0131rmadan nas\u0131l kurtulabiliriz?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kurumsal a\u00e7\u0131dan<\/strong>, kutsal-laik ili\u015fkilerdeki de\u011fi\u015fim, \u00fcniter cumhuriyet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki daha derin bir krizi yans\u0131t\u0131r. Bu durum da d\u00fcnya tarihsel bir bak\u0131\u015fla ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 ve rasyonalist \u00e7er\u00e7eve alt\u0131nda, kimlik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ihmal edilmesi, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131na ve ulusal akla a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 g\u00fcvene yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bug\u00fcn yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de\u011fil, laikli\u011fin do\u011fdu\u011fu yer olan Fransa\u2019da bile kriz ya\u015fan\u0131yor. Bu da Bat\u0131 modernitesinin yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesini gerektiriyor. Avrupa\u2019daki m\u00fclteci ve g\u00f6\u00e7men krizi, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve meydan okuma do\u011furdu. Ayd\u0131nlanma ve post-Ayd\u0131nlanma idealleri, esasen beyaz Hristiyan Avrupa sosyal yap\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilmi\u015fti. \u015eimdi ise, Avrupa M\u00fcsl\u00fcman g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya ve bu durum erken modern Avrupa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerinin hi\u00e7 \u00f6ng\u00f6remedi\u011fi bir kimlik krizi yarat\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan, konu\u015fmalar\u0131nda s\u0131k s\u0131k Atat\u00fcrk\u2019ten bahseder. Kimi insanlar Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n manevi rakibi oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr, kimileri de Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n yeni bir Mustafa Kemal oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. \u00c7inliler i\u00e7in, \u00f6zellikle orta ya\u015f ve \u00fczeri ku\u015faklar i\u00e7in, Atat\u00fcrk olduk\u00e7a tan\u0131d\u0131kt\u0131r. Ancak g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki gen\u00e7 \u00f6\u011frenciler onu neredeyse hi\u00e7 tan\u0131mamaktad\u0131r. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte, d\u00fcnya tarihi ders kitaplar\u0131nda Kemalist devrime iki tam sayfa ayr\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131; art\u0131k bu durum kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1981 y\u0131l\u0131nda Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn do\u011fumunun y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131 vesilesiyle o y\u0131l\u0131 \u201cAtat\u00fcrk Y\u0131l\u0131\u201d ilan etmi\u015fti. O d\u00f6nemde Bat\u0131 tarz\u0131 modernle\u015fmenin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f s\u00fcreci hen\u00fcz ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sonraki y\u0131llarda Bat\u0131 postmodernizme girdi ve Atat\u00fcrk giderek otoriter bir lider olarak ele\u015ftirilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131\u2014yani sadece yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131lda imaj\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fe ge\u00e7ti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk\u2019e y\u00f6nelik de\u011ferlendirmeler, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k tarihinde b\u00fcy\u00fck de\u011fi\u015fiklikler ge\u00e7irdi. Bu de\u011fi\u015fim, T\u00fcrk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin Bat\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan entelekt\u00fcel olarak kolonize edilmesinin de bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r\u2014T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n Atat\u00fcrk\u2019e bak\u0131\u015f\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131nkine yak\u0131nd\u0131r. Liberal entelekt\u00fceller bir yana, \u0130slami e\u011filimleri olanlar da Atat\u00fcrk\u2019ten ho\u015flanmaz. Bu iki u\u00e7 aras\u0131nda kalan az say\u0131da akademisyen ise ters y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir duru\u015f benimsemi\u015ftir. Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn de\u011ferlendirilmesi, y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi g\u00f6zlemlemek i\u00e7in h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00f6nemli bir penceredir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l mesaj\u0131nda, Atat\u00fcrk\u2019e bir\u00e7ok kez at\u0131f yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2014\u201ck\u0131sa mesaj\u201dda d\u00f6rt kez, resmi konu\u015fmada ise Gazi unvan\u0131 ya da ad\u0131yla 13 kez. \u0130slami e\u011filimleri olan bir partinin lideri olarak Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n bu tutumu anla\u015f\u0131labilir. Zaman ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e, Erdo\u011fan da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihinin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla daha fazla s\u0131n\u0131rlan\u0131yor. Yeni bir T\u00fcrkiye yaratma ve ikinci bir \u201culusun babas\u0131\u201d olma hayalini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiremedi. \u201cYeni bir nesil yeti\u015ftirme\u201d s\u00f6ylemi vard\u0131; fakat o nesil, b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda Erdo\u011fan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131. Sonu\u00e7ta Erdo\u011fan, y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel \u00e7izgisini a\u015famaz; onun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engel, Kemalizmdir. Ger\u00e7ekte, Kemalizm T\u00fcrk devletinin kurucu temelidir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ulus-devlet \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi devam ettik\u00e7e, Atat\u00fcrk ve miras\u0131 reddedilemez. T\u00fcrkiye ulus-devlet yap\u0131s\u0131nda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, Atat\u00fcrk her zaman en \u00fcstteki fig\u00fcr olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Zan Tao: Erdo\u011fan’\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri T\u00fcrkiye’yi Daha \u0130yi Anlamak \u0130\u00e7in Yeni Teoriler\u00a0\u0130n\u015fa\u00a0Etmeliyiz Prof. Zan Tao, Pekin \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde T\u00fcrkiye Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 Direkt\u00f6r\u00fcd\u00fcr ve T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerine \u00e7ok say\u0131da kitab\u0131 ve akademik makalesi vard\u0131r G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, Latin Amerika d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, bir asr\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcredir modern egemen devlet olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren \u00e7ok fazla Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fclke yoktur. Bu \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[45,9,4,53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5597","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-genel-tr","category-klasikler","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi-tr"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5597","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5597"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5597\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5600,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5597\/revisions\/5600"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5597"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5597"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5597"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
Belki de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin gelecekteki tarihsel d\u00f6nemlendirmesinde \u201cD\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Cumhuriyet\u201d ifadesi eklenebilir. Erdo\u011fan, yeni bir anayasa haz\u0131rlamay\u0131 s\u00fcrekli olarak temel bir mesele haline getirmi\u015ftir ve T\u00fcrkiye anayasas\u0131 bir\u00e7ok kez de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Nihai hedef, 1982 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yerini alacak yeni bir anayasal metin \u00fcretmektir. Asl\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin mevcut siyasi sistemi zaten de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir; ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sisteminin benimsenmesiyle belirli bir anlamda bu durum \u201cD\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Cumhuriyet\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k yolculu\u011fu, Bat\u0131 tarz\u0131 modernle\u015fmenin klasik bir \u00f6rne\u011fi olarak kabul edilebilir\u2014anti-emperyalist ve anti-feodal m\u00fccadelelerden otoriter bir parti kurulmas\u0131na, ard\u0131ndan Bat\u0131 tarz\u0131 demokratik uygulamalara, neoliberalizmin geli\u015fi ve gelene\u011fin yeniden canlanmas\u0131na kadar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n