{"id":5676,"date":"2025-07-20T11:31:44","date_gmt":"2025-07-20T11:31:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=5676"},"modified":"2025-07-20T11:31:44","modified_gmt":"2025-07-20T11:31:44","slug":"sollarin-yari-somurge-somurge-ulkelerin-ulusal-ve-siyasal-egemenligi-gorusu-leninden-neden-ve-nasil-farkliydi-buharin-trocki-p-kievski-rosa-luksemburg","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=5676","title":{"rendered":"Sollar\u0131n Yar\u0131-S\u00f6m\u00fcrge\/S\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00dclkelerin Ulusal ve Siyasal Egemenli\u011fi G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc Lenin\u2019den Neden ve Nas\u0131l Farkl\u0131yd\u0131: Buharin, Tro\u00e7ki, P. Kievski, Rosa L\u00fcksemburg"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Sollar\u0131n Yar\u0131-S\u00f6m\u00fcrge\/S\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00dclkelerin Ulusal ve Siyasal Egemenli\u011fi G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc Lenin\u2019den Neden ve Nas\u0131l Farkl\u0131yd\u0131: Buharin, Tro\u00e7ki, P. Kievski, Rosa L\u00fcksemburg<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image aligncenter size-large\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/sosyalistbirlik.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/06\/Adsiz-tasarim-5-1024x1024.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-7309\"\/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">&#8220;Sol&#8221; d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler ve Marksist siyasi aktivistler Buharin, Tro\u00e7ki, P. Kievski, Rosa L\u00fcksemburg&#8217;un Emperyalizm \u00dczerine G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u00d6zet Olarak Sunuyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Lenin\u2019in e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fim teorisi emperyalist d\u00fcnya payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temelini iki a\u00e7\u0131dan a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: B\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fcnya g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin Mali sermayelerinin g\u00fcc\u00fcndeki e\u015fitsizlik ve b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fcnya g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin kontrol\u00fc ve i\u015fgali alt\u0131ndaki s\u00f6m\u00fcrge kontrol alanlar\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fitsiz ve dengesiz olmas\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Bu ikisi bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr. \u201cSol\u201d kom\u00fcnistler Lenin\u2019in e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fim teorisini anlayamad\u0131lar ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu teoriyi reddettiler. Bundan dolay\u0131 da \u201cSol\u201d kom\u00fcnistler emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamak i\u00e7in \u201culuslararas\u0131 boyut kazanm\u0131\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli \u00fcretim ve ulus-devlet aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki\u201d teorisini ortaya att\u0131lar (Song \u00c7aolong).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Tro\u00e7ki<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Tro\u00e7ki geli\u015fme h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fit ve dengeli olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnyadaki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkelerin g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin dengelenmesi e\u011filimine yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015ftu. Bu y\u00fczden, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re kapitalizm geli\u015ferek emperyalizm a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ti\u011finde d\u00fcnyadaki b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fmesindeki e\u015fitsizlik keskinle\u015fmeyecekti. Aksine, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fimindeki seviye fark\u0131 azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fme temposunda dengelenme e\u011filimi ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ye g\u00f6re d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc d\u00fcnya ekonomisini giderek daha fazla b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirecekti. D\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131na evrensel nitelik kazanan bu i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc d\u00fcnya ekonomisi i\u00e7indeki t\u00fcm par\u00e7alar\u0131 geni\u015f kapsamda ve daha y\u00fcksek, daha derin bir \u015fekilde geli\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7maktayd\u0131. Tro\u00e7ki bu nedenle ulus-devletlerin \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimine k\u00f6stek oldu\u011funu ve ulus-devlet d\u00f6neminin geride kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Buharin<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Buharin y\u00fcksek derecede uluslararas\u0131 hale gelmi\u015f olan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli \u00fcretim ve \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetinin bu ikisinin \u201culus-devlet\u201d \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131 emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimi ulus-devletle \u00e7eli\u015fkili ve uyu\u015fmaz bir noktaya geldi\u011fi i\u00e7in \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirilmesi g\u00f6revi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde ulus-devletin yok edilmesini de gerektirir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla do\u011fal olarak ulus-devleti yok ederek \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan bir sosyalist devrim de sadece tek bir \u00fclkede ger\u00e7ekle\u015femez, bu y\u00fczden hem Buharin hem de Tro\u00e7ki sosyalizmin t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerde e\u015fzamanl\u0131 olarak zafer kazanmas\u0131 teorisini savunmu\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Tro\u00e7ki ve Buharin Sovyetlerin Brest-Litovsk Anla\u015fmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015flard\u0131 ve Tro\u00e7ki tek \u00fclkede sosyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Onlar uluslararas\u0131 kapitalizmin geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyini abartm\u0131\u015flar ve herhangi bir \u00fclkenin ekonomisinin uluslararas\u0131 ekonomiye olan ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 oldu\u011fundan fazla abartm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in Emperyalist ekonomizm olarak ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi buydu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>P. Kievski<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">P. Kievski ulus-devlet bi\u00e7iminin \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimine engel oldu\u011funa ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli makinele\u015fmi\u015f sanayi d\u00f6nemine girildi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckte zanaat at\u00f6lyelerini desteklemek gibi gerici bir tutum oldu\u011funu savunmu\u015ftur. G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, sol kanat teoriler ulus-devleti g\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015fartlar\u0131na uymayan, zaman\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir olgu \u015feklinde yorumlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc onlara g\u00f6re \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fmesi ve \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 \u00f6yle y\u00fcksek bir d\u00fczeyde ki ulus-devlet buna ayak uyduram\u0131yor. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fme gereksinimlerine adapte olam\u0131yor. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f asl\u0131nda sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma derecesini oldu\u011fundan fazla g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f, veya sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma geli\u015fiminin derecesini oldu\u011fundan \u00e7ok daha ileri g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015flerdir. <strong>Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde sa\u011f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f teorisyenler de \u201cSol\u201d kanat gruplar&nbsp;gibi emperyalist sistemin ikili do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 kavrayamam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r: \u201cSol\u201d kanat sosyalist devrimin gereklili\u011finden yola \u00e7\u0131karak emperyalizmin saf (kat\u0131ks\u0131z) kapitalist do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 abartm\u0131\u015f ve emperyalizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci taraf\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemi\u015flerdir.&nbsp;B\u00f6ylelikle uluslar\u0131n kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n pratikte kullan\u0131lmas\u0131ndan do\u011fan g\u00f6reli ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da \u00f6nemsiz bir konuma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015flerdir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\"><strong>Rosa L\u00fcksemburg<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Rosa L\u00fcksemburg, kapitalizmin ayakta kalmas\u0131 i\u00e7in zorunlu ko\u015ful Kapitalizmin merkezlerini ku\u015fatan prekapitalizm (kapitalizm \u00f6ncesi) \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda ya\u015fayan \u00fclkeler ve b\u00f6lgeler olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fidir. Rosa L\u00fcksemburg, b\u00fcy\u00fck ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc d\u00fcnya g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve zay\u0131f uluslar\u0131 siyasi ilhaka (s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge boyunduru\u011funa) maruz b\u0131rakmas\u0131 ile bu zay\u0131f uluslar \u00fczerindeki ekonomik-finansal boyunduruk ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor bu iki \u015fey aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 g\u00f6remiyordu. Di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle ekonomik d\u00fczlem ile politik d\u00fczlemi e\u015fitleme hatas\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Bu nedenle Lenin <strong>L\u00fcksemburg<\/strong>\u2019un uluslar\u0131n \u201ckendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131\u201d ile ilgili g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u201ctam bir kavram karga\u015fas\u0131\u201d olarak ele\u015ftirmi\u015fti. <strong>L\u00fcksemburg<\/strong> uluslar\u0131n \u201ckendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n tam anlam\u0131n\u0131 kavramam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. L\u00fcksemburg, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve zay\u0131f uluslar i\u00e7in \u201ckendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131\u201d talebinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi olanaks\u0131z hayali beklenti oldu\u011funu ve bi\u00e7imsel olarak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z g\u00f6r\u00fcnen Karada\u011fl\u0131lar, Bulgarlar, Romanyal\u0131lar, S\u0131rplar, Yunanlar\u0131n ve bir dereceye kadar \u0130svi\u00e7reliler i\u00e7in hakiki bir \u201culuslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayininden\u201d bahsetmenin imkans\u0131z oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">B\u00f6ylece <strong>L\u00fcksemburg<\/strong>, yar\u0131 feodal Rusya ile burjuva ulusal sorunun tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 ayn\u0131 sepete koyuyor, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n farkl\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde geli\u015fen toplumsal ve politik ak\u0131mlar\u0131n ve olu\u015fumlar\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131klar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece uluslar\u0131n \u201ckendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n spesifik anlam\u0131 ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f oluyordu. <strong>L\u00fcksemburg<\/strong>\u2019a g\u00f6re art\u0131k emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda ulusal ayaklanma ve sava\u015flar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 olanaks\u0131zd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p style=\"font-size:clamp(16.834px, 1.052rem + ((1vw - 3.2px) * 0.716), 26px);\">Oysa Lenin \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: asl\u0131nda, Rus, \u0130ran, T\u00fcrk ve \u00c7in devrimleri ve Balkan sava\u015flar\u0131, bunlar\u0131n hepsi ulusal boyunduru\u011fa ve orta \u00e7a\u011f sistemine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan demokrasiyi savunan, uluslar\u0131n kendi yerli dil ve yerli k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini savunmak ve siyasi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc savunmak ad\u0131na verilmi\u015f ilerici anlam\u0131 olan ulusal sava\u015flard\u0131. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, L\u00fcksemburg\u2019un, siyasi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ulusal kendi kaderini tayine yol a\u00e7mayaca\u011f\u0131na inand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyordu. <strong>Ayr\u0131ca Kautsky, Cunow gibi sa\u011f kanat teorisyenler ise&nbsp;kapitalizme y\u00f6nelik reformist bir bak\u0131\u015ftan yola \u00e7\u0131karak emperyalizmin prekapitalist do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 abartm\u0131\u015f ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik ile kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz ili\u015fkiyi de az\u0131msam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Sollar\u0131n Yar\u0131-S\u00f6m\u00fcrge\/S\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00dclkelerin Ulusal ve Siyasal Egemenli\u011fi G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc Lenin\u2019den Neden ve Nas\u0131l Farkl\u0131yd\u0131: Buharin, Tro\u00e7ki, P. Kievski, Rosa L\u00fcksemburg &#8220;Sol&#8221; d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler ve Marksist siyasi aktivistler Buharin, Tro\u00e7ki, P. Kievski, Rosa L\u00fcksemburg&#8217;un Emperyalizm \u00dczerine G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u00d6zet Olarak Sunuyoruz. Lenin\u2019in e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fim teorisi emperyalist d\u00fcnya payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temelini iki a\u00e7\u0131dan a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: B\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fcnya g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin Mali [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,49,9],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5676","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-arsiv","category-arsiv-tr","category-klasikler"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5676","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=5676"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5676\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5677,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5676\/revisions\/5677"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=5676"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=5676"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=5676"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}