{"id":6041,"date":"2025-12-27T19:23:45","date_gmt":"2025-12-27T19:23:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6041"},"modified":"2025-12-29T12:16:52","modified_gmt":"2025-12-29T12:16:52","slug":"devlet-uzerine-reformist-ahlaki-hayaller-yayilmamali","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6041","title":{"rendered":"Devlet \u00dczerine Reformist-Ahlaki Hayaller Yay\u0131lmamal\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Devlet \u00dczerine Reformist-Ahlaki Hayaller Yay\u0131lmamal\u0131<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Ferdi Bekir<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aral\u0131k 2025<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir sosyalist partinin \u00f6nemli bir belgesinde birbirini izleyen \u015fu iki ifade kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f:\u00a0\u201c\u00dclkemizde a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bir devlet krizi ya\u015fanmaktad\u0131r\u2026 devlet mekanizmas\u0131 asli olarak egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na i\u015flese de -devlet- en az\u0131ndan me\u015fruiyet kayg\u0131lar\u0131yla, \u00fczerinde in\u015fa edildi\u011fi toplumun ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci ifade:\u00a0Oysa bug\u00fcn devlet halk\u0131n egemenli\u011fi yerine yeni bir rejimin ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak \u015fekilleniyor, -devlet-yurtta\u015flara hizmet etmek yerine yurtta\u015flar\u0131n siyasi faaliyetlerinden, s\u00f6z ve eylemlerinden su\u00e7 icat etmeye odaklanmaktad\u0131r\u201d<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ele\u015ftiriye ikinci ifadeden ba\u015flayal\u0131m: Bir Marksist sosyaliste g\u00f6re kapitalist bir demokraside devletle ilgili \u201chalk\u0131n egemenli\u011fi\u201d<\/strong> s\u00f6ylemi burjuva ideolojik bir kurgudan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ekte ise halk\u0131n egemenli\u011fi, halk\u0131n siyasi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel m\u00fccadele kapasitesi ile belirlenir. Kapitalist devlet daima hakim burjuvazinin s\u0131n\u0131f hakimiyetinin bir arac\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn kapitalist temsili demokrasilerin \u201chalk\u0131n egemenli\u011fi\u201d<\/strong> oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylemi temel bir mit olarak<\/strong> pompalanmaya devam etmektedir, fakat ger\u00e7ek tamamen farkl\u0131d\u0131r ve devletin \u201cyurtta\u015flara hizmet\u201d i\u015flevi s\u0131n\u0131f hakimiyetini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme amac\u0131na tabi k\u0131l\u0131nan taktik bir taviz olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Bir Marksist sosyalist rahatl\u0131kla \u015funu s\u00f6yleyebilir: \u201cDevlet ayg\u0131t\u0131, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hakimiyetinin bir arac\u0131d\u0131r. Bu hakimiyeti s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek ve sermaye birikiminin uzun vadeli ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in, devlet \u00e7e\u015fitli toplumsal meseleleri \u00e7\u00f6zmek, y\u00f6netmek ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na taktiksel tavizler vermek zorunda kal\u0131r. Genellikle ideolojik kurgular yoluyla \u201ctoplumun ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na\u201d hizmet etti\u011fi \u015feklinde sunulan bu devlet eylemleri, temelde i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve halk\u0131n direni\u015fini da\u011f\u0131tmay\u0131, boyun e\u011fdirme i\u00e7in r\u0131za \u00fcretmeyi ve mevcut \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeyi ama\u00e7lar.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc klasik Marksizme g\u00f6re: \u201cDevlet tarafs\u0131z bir hakem de\u011fil, \u201cegemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fctme komitesidir\u201d. Devlet, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumun uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar ve bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiler taraf\u0131ndan \u015fekillenir. Devletin temel i\u015flevi, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek, alt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 bast\u0131rmak ve burjuvazinin i\u015flerini bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak y\u00f6netmektir\u201d. (Marx)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eimdi birinci ifadeyi \u201cdevlet krizi\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fal\u0131m: devlet mekanizmas\u0131\u2026.<\/strong> en az\u0131ndan me\u015fruiyet kayg\u0131lar\u0131yla hareket ederek, \u00fczerinde in\u015fa edildi\u011fi toplumun ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d. <\/strong>\u201cToplumun ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131\u201d s\u00f6yleminin bir ideolojik yan\u0131ltmaca oldu\u011funu daha \u00f6nce s\u00f6yledik. Marksist sosyalistler i\u00e7in, s\u0131n\u0131f b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerinin oldu\u011fu bir toplumda tarafs\u0131z bir \u201cortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d veya \u201cgenel irade\u201d yoktur. \u201cOrtak \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d (kamu d\u00fczeni, altyap\u0131, yasalar) olarak sunulan \u015fey, ger\u00e7ekte kapitalistlerin ortak yararlar\u0131d\u0131r. Yollar\u0131n in\u015fa edilmesi, halk sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131 ve e\u011fitimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi, \u00fcretken bir i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, ekonomideki al\u0131\u015fveri\u015flerin kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve toplumsal \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn \u00f6nlenmesi i\u00e7in gereklidir; bu \u201cortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u201d t\u00fcm\u00fc, nihai olarak kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n uzun vadeli istikrar\u0131na hizmet eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Althusser bu olguyu \u015f\u00f6yle teorize eder ve bizi uyar\u0131r: \u201cdevlet kendisini sadece \u015fiddet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131yla ayakta tutmaz; ideolojik devlet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131na da ba\u015fvurur: ideolojik devlet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 devletin tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na inanan bireyleri \u201cvatanda\u015flar\u201d olarak bi\u00e7imlendirerek \u201cme\u015fruiyet\u201d \u00fcretir. Devletin, me\u015fruiyet sa\u011flama gibi ger\u00e7ek bir hedef ve endi\u015feyle hareket etmez; ideolojik devlet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 me\u015fruiyeti s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011finin bir arac\u0131 olarak aktif olarak yarat\u0131rlar\u201d. <\/strong>Bu durumda yukar\u0131daki ifadede ge\u00e7en \u201cdevletin (kendisine me\u015fruiyet sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in) toplumun <\/strong>ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olmas\u0131\u201d <\/strong>beklentisi idealist bir dilekten \u00f6teye anlam ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yukar\u0131daki ifadeler neo-Marksist devlet teorisyeni Nicos Poulantzas\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ile de \u00e7eli\u015fmektedir: Poulantzas\u2019a g\u00f6re \u201cyeni kapitalist devlet, kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n herhangi bir b\u00f6lmesinden \u201cg\u00f6receli \u00f6zerkli\u011fe\u201d sahip olma \u00f6zelli\u011fi g\u00f6sterir. Bu, \u201cg\u00f6receli \u00f6zerklik\u201d devletin burjuvazinin uzun vadeli siyasi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak organize etmesine olanak tan\u0131r. \u201cBu da bazen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak, devrimi \u00f6nlemek ve sorunsuz sermaye birikimini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na tavizler verilmesini gerektirir (\u00f6rne\u011fin, i\u015f kanunlar\u0131nda reformlar, sosyal yard\u0131mlar). \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na verilen bu tavizler \u201cortak \u00e7\u0131karlara\u201d hizmet etti\u011fi \u015feklinde yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131labilir, ancak bunlar\u0131n nesnel i\u015flevi kapitalist sistemi ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla uzun vadede egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hakimiyetini korumakt\u0131r\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebilirim: ifadeler eklektiktir; bir yandan Marksizmin s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fi devleti teorisini savunurken, di\u011fer yandan devletin davran\u0131\u015f\u0131na ili\u015fkin \u201cme\u015fruiyet sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in ortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak\u201d gibi liberal-i\u015flevselci bir mant\u0131k ekliyor ve Marksist devlet teorisini \u201cyumu\u015fat\u0131yor\u201d. \u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130fadeler liberal demokrasinin \u201cortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u201d s\u00f6ylemi ile uzla\u015fmakta ve \u201cortak \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131\u201d hakim s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ndan ayr\u0131 bir \u015fey olarak ele almaktad\u0131r. Devletin me\u015fruiyet sa\u011flama gibi bir \u201cy\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d duygusu i\u00e7inde hareket etti\u011fini iddia etmektedir. Oysa devlet ve hakim s\u0131n\u0131f ideolojik s\u00f6ylemleri kullanarak r\u0131za ve boyun e\u011fme sa\u011flar ve devletin sundu\u011fu herhangi bir toplumsal hizmet \u201ctoplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeden\u201d do\u011fan bir y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck de\u011fil, hesaplanm\u0131\u015f bir kazanma\/ayartma ve yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma stratejisidir. \u0130fadeler liberal demokrat anayasac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u201ctoplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fme\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden etkilenmi\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor:\u00a0Yani a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyor, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de devlet art\u0131k \u201ctoplumsal s\u00f6zle\u015fmeyi\u201d ihlal etmi\u015f ve art\u0131k halk\u0131n egemenli\u011fini temsil eden bir ara\u00e7 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve bu da bir \u201cdevlet ve me\u015fruiyet krizine\u201d yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r.\u00a0<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marksist sosyalistler olarak \u015fu noktalarda net olmal\u0131y\u0131z: burjuva devlet a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan me\u015fruiyet <\/strong>\u00f6ncelikli bir kayg\u0131 de\u011fildir. Marksizme g\u00f6re devlet me\u015fruiyet \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131na girdi\u011finde devlet nihai olarak mevcut m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerini korumak i\u00e7in elinde tuttu\u011fu \u015fiddet tekeline ba\u015fvurur. Toplumsal refah sa\u011flayan \u00e7e\u015fitli devlet hizmetleri ve hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fi ile \u00e7eli\u015fmez; aksine, bunlar bug\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalizmde s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011finin \u00f6n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015ftururlar. Engels\u2019in s\u00f6zleri ile bitirelim “Politik hakimiyet (iktidar)\u2026belirli bir toplumsal i\u015flevin performans\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselir; ve politik hakimiyet\u2014ancak ve ancak– bu toplumsal i\u015flevi yerine getirdi\u011fi s\u00fcre boyunca ayakta kalabilir.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Devlet \u00dczerine Reformist-Ahlaki Hayaller Yay\u0131lmamal\u0131 Ferdi Bekir Aral\u0131k 2025 Bir sosyalist partinin \u00f6nemli bir belgesinde birbirini izleyen \u015fu iki ifade kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f:\u00a0\u201c\u00dclkemizde a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bir devlet krizi ya\u015fanmaktad\u0131r\u2026 devlet mekanizmas\u0131 asli olarak egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na i\u015flese de -devlet- en az\u0131ndan me\u015fruiyet kayg\u0131lar\u0131yla, \u00fczerinde in\u015fa edildi\u011fi toplumun ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d. \u0130kinci ifade:\u00a0Oysa bug\u00fcn devlet halk\u0131n egemenli\u011fi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[4,53],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6041","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi-tr"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6041","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6041"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6041\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6048,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6041\/revisions\/6048"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6041"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6041"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6041"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}