{"id":6095,"date":"2026-01-04T01:39:46","date_gmt":"2026-01-04T01:39:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6095"},"modified":"2026-01-04T01:39:47","modified_gmt":"2026-01-04T01:39:47","slug":"eski-chp-baskani-kemal-kilicdaroglunun-yeni-gorusleri","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6095","title":{"rendered":"Eski CHP Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019nun Yeni G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Eski CHP Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019nun Yeni G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczenine Do\u011fru\u2026<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019in \u00f6nemli bir avantaj\u0131 var: K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019in deste\u011fi.<\/strong><\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Ekim-Aral\u0131k 2025<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Bildi\u011fimiz d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcyor mu?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00fcnya, Gramsci’nin me\u015fhur s\u00f6z\u00fcyle “eskinin \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ama yeninin hen\u00fcz do\u011fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131” sanc\u0131l\u0131 bir ara d\u00f6nemden ge\u00e7iyor. Uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin \u00e7imentosu olan kurallar ve kurumlar \u00e7at\u0131rd\u0131yor. Bir zamanlar “tarihin sonu” diye sunulan liberal d\u00fczen, bug\u00fcn adeta kendi i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclen bir yap\u0131ya benziyor. Geldi\u011fimiz noktada k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin kendisi bile sorgulan\u0131yor. K\u00fcreselle\u015fme, Wikipedia’daki steril tan\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, temelde bir g\u00fc\u00e7 m\u00fccadelesidir. Mallar\u0131n, fikirlerin, k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 cazip bir vitrin sunar; ancak perdenin arkas\u0131nda devletler, \u015firketler, sermaye gruplar\u0131 ve emek aras\u0131nda sert bir \u00e7eki\u015fme vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tarih bize \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fcreselle\u015fme dalgas\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birinci dalga, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, \u0130ngiltere’nin sanayi imparatorlu\u011funun \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde y\u00fckseldi. Buharl\u0131 gemiler, demiryollar\u0131 ve telgraf sayesinde ticaret ve sermaye ak\u0131mlar\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131. Ama bu ilk dalga Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ve 1929 Buhran\u0131 ile yerle bir oldu. Sonras\u0131 i\u00e7e kapanma, korumac\u0131l\u0131k ve fa\u015fizmin y\u00fckseli\u015fiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci dalga, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda ABD’nin liderli\u011finde do\u011fdu. IMF, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131, Bretton Woods sistemi\u2026 Bu d\u00f6nemde k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin i\u015fleyi\u015fini d\u00fczenleyen kurallar koyuldu. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f’\u0131n getirdi\u011fi rekabetin de etkisiyle geni\u015f halk kitleleri g\u00f6rece refahtan pay ald\u0131. Eric Hobsbawm’\u0131n <\/strong>“kapitalizmin alt\u0131n \u00e7a\u011f\u0131” dedi\u011fi bu d\u00f6nem, 1970’lerin krizleriyle sona erdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dalga ise 1980’lerden itibaren ba\u015flad\u0131. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle ABD tek kutuplu bir d\u00fcnya kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama bu \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dalgada lokomotif yaln\u0131zca devletler de\u011fildi; \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler sahneye \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u00dcretim zincirleri par\u00e7alara ayr\u0131ld\u0131, ucuz i\u015f\u00e7ilik i\u00e7in fabrikalar Asya’ya ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131. \u00c7in ve Hindistan’da milyonlar yoksulluktan kurtuldu ama her \u00fclkede gelir e\u015fitsizli\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc, eme\u011fin gelirden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay azald\u0131. Sermaye kazand\u0131, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar kaybetti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tekno-feodalizm: derebeylerin \u00e7a\u011f\u0131\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn geldi\u011fimiz noktada k\u00fcresel \u015firketler adeta yeni bir imparatorluk kurmu\u015f durumda. 2024 itibar\u0131yla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck 500 \u015firketi 41 trilyon dolar\u0131 a\u015fan gelir elde ediyor. Bu rakam d\u00fcnya has\u0131las\u0131n\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7te birinden fazla. Sosyalist Varoufakis’in dedi\u011fi gibi, kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda tekno-feodal beyler var. Topraklar\u0131 de\u011fil, dijital platformlar\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck veriyi ve \u00e7evrimi\u00e7i pazarlar\u0131 kontrol ediyorlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu dev \u015firketler sadece ticareti de\u011fil, siyaseti de \u015fekillendiriyor. Ulusal h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri yat\u0131r\u0131mlarla dizginliyor, karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahil oluyorlar. Hatta art\u0131k di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin se\u00e7im s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine bile etki edebiliyorlar. K\u00fcresel kapitalizm, klasik anlam\u0131yla demokrasiye meydan okuyan bir g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f durumda. Ekonomist Dani Rodrik’in “imk\u00e2ns\u0131z \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc” modeli tam da burada devreye giriyor: K\u00fcreselle\u015fme, ulus devlet ve demokrasi ayn\u0131 anda var olamaz. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnden ancak ikisi se\u00e7ilebilir. E\u011fer k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ile ulus devlet tercih edilirse, demokrasi feda edilir. E\u011fer demokrasi ile ulus devlet se\u00e7ilirse, daha kontroll\u00fc bir k\u00fcreselle\u015fme g\u00fcndeme gelir. K\u00fcreselle\u015fme ile demokrasi birlikte tercih edilirse, ulus devletler zay\u0131flar. \u015eu anda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z belirsizlik, bu zor tercihin ne olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tam da bilinmemesinden kaynaklan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Amerika’n\u0131n \u00e7izdi\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7eve\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Trump’\u0131n son aylardaki s\u00f6ylemleri asl\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc dalgan\u0131n sonuna gelindi\u011fini ilan ediyor. Sermayeyi \u00fclkesine geri \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131yor, m\u00fcttefiklerine “bedavac\u0131l\u0131k bitti” diye \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, Orta Do\u011fu’dan milyarlarca dolarl\u0131k silah anla\u015fmalar\u0131yla d\u00f6n\u00fcyor. K\u00fcresel sermayenin tekno-derebeylerini Beyaz Saray’a \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131p yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ilan ettiriyor. A\u00e7\u0131k mesaj \u015fu: “A\u011fababan\u0131z benim.” Ama ayn\u0131 ABD, \u0130srail’in Katar’a sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00fcvenlik garantilerinin bo\u015f bir vaat oldu\u011funu da g\u00f6stermi\u015f oldu. Bretton Woods d\u00f6neminde en az\u0131ndan demokrasi iddias\u0131 vard\u0131; bug\u00fcn o bile kalmad\u0131. Kurallar\u0131 koyan \u00fclke, \u015fimdi kendi kurallar\u0131n\u0131 yok say\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art\u0131k tablo farkl\u0131. BRICS \u00fclkeleri alternatif \u00f6deme sistemleri geli\u015ftiriyor<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Robert Mundell’in dedi\u011fi gibi “B\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin b\u00fcy\u00fck paralar\u0131 olur.” ABD’nin k\u00fcresel g\u00fcc\u00fc dolar\u0131 da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u0131ld\u0131. Ama art\u0131k tablo farkl\u0131. BRICS \u00fclkeleri alternatif \u00f6deme sistemleri geli\u015ftiriyor, kripto paralar y\u00fckseliyor. 2013’te sadece 50 olan kripto para say\u0131s\u0131 bug\u00fcn 17 bini a\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumda. Piyasa de\u011feri 1,5 milyar dolardan 1,3 trilyon dolara \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Merkez bankalar\u0131n\u0131n kontrol\u00fc zay\u0131fl\u0131yor. Kripto havaleler klasik y\u00f6ntemlerden y\u00fczlerce kat daha h\u0131zl\u0131 ve ucuz. Bu tablo, yaln\u0131zca dolar\u0131 sarsmakla kalm\u0131yor, ulus devletlerin ekonomik egemenli\u011fini de a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. Anla\u015f\u0131lan yeni para d\u00fczeni, yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin en kritik cephesi olacak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye ne yapmal\u0131?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye, bu tarihi d\u00f6neme ne yaz\u0131k ki ekonomik darbo\u011faz, kurumlar\u0131n zay\u0131flamas\u0131 ve otoriterle\u015fme e\u011filimleriyle yakaland\u0131. Oysa b\u00f6ylesi ara d\u00f6nemler sadece risk de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda f\u0131rsat da yarat\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye bu belirsizlik an\u0131nda iki a\u015famal\u0131 bir strateji izlemeli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130lk ad\u0131m: \u0130\u00e7 cepheyi sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u00e7eride cepheyi sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in Meclis’in itibar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rmak, hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve yarg\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tesis etmek \u015fart. Devlet kurumlar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmeli, liyakat yeniden h\u00e2kim olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ekonomide ise t\u00fcm kesimlerin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla haz\u0131rlanacak bir program, ancak toplumsal uzla\u015f\u0131yla me\u015fruiyet kazanabilir. Bu y\u00fczden Ekonomik Sosyal Konsey’e i\u015flerlik kazand\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayr\u0131ca ekonomik dengelerin onar\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in vergi y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fcn adil bi\u00e7imde payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 mecburdur. Bu yaln\u0131zca mali bir tercih de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n da \u00f6n ko\u015fuludur. Bunun yolu da y\u00fcksek gelir gruplar\u0131n\u0131n sisteme daha fazla katk\u0131 sundu\u011fu bir vergi reformundan ge\u00e7mektedir. T\u00fcrkiye ayr\u0131ca yeni bir “Strateji ve Planlama Te\u015fkilat\u0131” kurarak uzun vadeli vizyon geli\u015ftirmelidir. Kritik madenler, enerji arz g\u00fcvenli\u011fi, g\u0131da g\u00fcvenli\u011fi, dijital egemenlik\u2026 Bunlar\u0131n her biri \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki k\u00fcresel f\u0131rt\u0131nada belirleyici olacak. Yine e\u011fitim sistemi bilim ve teknoloji odakl\u0131 yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmad\u0131k\u00e7a, insan kayna\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n k\u00fcresel rekabet g\u00fcc\u00fc de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Savunma sanayinde olu\u015fturulan kamu-\u00f6zel i\u015fbirli\u011fi modeli, dijitalle\u015fme ve ye\u015fil d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm i\u00e7in de uygulanmal\u0131. Kendi dijital param\u0131z\u0131 \u00fcretmekten yerli bulut ve yapay zek\u00e2 altyap\u0131s\u0131 kurmaya kadar pek \u00e7ok ad\u0131m gecikmeden at\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci ad\u0131m: D\u0131\u015far\u0131da \u00e7ok boyutlu a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci ad\u0131m d\u0131\u015f cephede at\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. D\u0131\u015f politikada da tek y\u00f6nl\u00fc tercihler yerine \u00e7ok boyutlu bir diplomasiye ihtiya\u00e7 var. AB ile ili\u015fkiler derinle\u015fmeli, ama BRICS+, G20 ve OECD gibi platformlarda da etkin rol \u00fcstlenilmeli. Orta Do\u011fu’dan Kafkasya’ya, Do\u011fu Akdeniz’den Orta Asya’ya uzanan jeopolitik ku\u015fakta bar\u0131\u015fa katk\u0131 sa\u011flamak, T\u00fcrkiye’nin de\u011ferini katlayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Haz\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olmal\u0131y\u0131z\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Evet, d\u00fcnya sanc\u0131l\u0131 bir ara d\u00f6nemde. Tek kutupluluk \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcyor, \u00e7ok kutupluluk y\u00fckseliyor. <\/strong>K\u00fcresel sermaye ulus devletlerin \u00fczerine g\u00f6lge gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Mevcut d\u00fczen \u00e7at\u0131rd\u0131yor, yeni bir d\u00fczenin ayak sesleri duyuluyor. B\u00f6ylesi d\u00f6nemlerde tarihin h\u0131z\u0131 artar. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fcze hem b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlikeler hem de benzersiz f\u0131rsatlar \u00e7\u0131kar. T\u00fcrkiye’nin yapmas\u0131 gerekenler bellidir. Unutulmamal\u0131 ki talih, yaln\u0131zca haz\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olanlara g\u00fcler. Haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z yakalananlar\u0131 ise tarih, ac\u0131mas\u0131zca silip atar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rivieralar \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 m\u0131 geliyor?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ortado\u011fu art\u0131k yaln\u0131z jeopolitik de\u011fil, jeo-estetik bir sava\u015f alan\u0131d\u0131r. Koridorlar\u0131n askeri denetiminden rivieralar\u0131n duygusal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne ge\u00e7i\u015f, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n yeni imparatorluk bi\u00e7imidir<\/p>\n\n\n\n

4 \u015eubat 2025 g\u00fcn\u00fc,  Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Donald Trump,  Gazze\u2019yi “Ortado\u011fu Rivieras\u0131”na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme vizyonunu dile getirdi. Bu s\u00f6ylem, kabul etmek gerekir ki klasik g\u00fcvenlik gerek\u00e7elerinin \u00f6tesinde, k\u00fcresel ticaret yollar\u0131 ve enerji koridorlar\u0131n\u0131n kontrol\u00fc \u00fczerinden \u015fekilleniyor. Ortado\u011fu art\u0131k sadece petrol ve do\u011fal gaz\u0131n de\u011fil, k\u00fcresel lojistik a\u011flar\u0131n ve dijital altyap\u0131lar\u0131n da kav\u015fa\u011f\u0131 konumunda. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncedeki temel ama\u00e7, \u00c7in\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015fini denetlemek ya da dengelemek. Bu ayn\u0131 zamanda Washington\u2019un, yeniden Ortado\u011fu merkezli bir jeopolitik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fini de ortaya koyuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kabul etmek gerekir ki so\u011fuk sava\u015f sonras\u0131 kurulan serbest ticaret d\u00fczeni, 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda \u00c7in\u2019in h\u0131zl\u0131 sanayile\u015fmesiyle birlikte ABD hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik temelini zay\u0131flatt\u0131. Washington\u2019un in\u015fa etti\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k pazar sistemi, beklenmedik bi\u00e7imde \u00c7in\u2019in k\u00fcresel y\u00fckseli\u015fine hizmet etti. Ve \u00c7in, serbest ticaretin sundu\u011fu esneklikle d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00fcretim ve ihracat merkezi haline geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD\u2019nin bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc anlamak i\u00e7in, son on y\u0131ldaki ekonomik paradigma de\u011fi\u015fimini g\u00f6rmek gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

TRIMP<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trump d\u00f6neminde ABD, \u00c7in\u2019in bu y\u00fckseli\u015f s\u00fcrecini durdurmak amac\u0131yla y\u00fcksek teknoloji \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin \u00c7in\u2019e sat\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlad\u0131; ard\u0131ndan serbest ticaretten tarifelere y\u00f6neldi. Fakat g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifeleriyle \u00c7in\u2019in ekonomik yay\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 engellenemedi; \u00c7in, mallar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fcresel tedarik zincirleri \u00fczerinden farkl\u0131 \u00fclkeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla dola\u015ft\u0131rabiliyordu. Bunun \u00fczerine ABD, ticaret koridorlar\u0131n\u0131, limanlar\u0131, enerji hatlar\u0131n\u0131 ve yollar\u0131 denetim alt\u0131na alma stratejisine ge\u00e7ti. Art\u0131k m\u00fccadele mallar\u0131n fiyat\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, mallar\u0131n ge\u00e7ti\u011fi rotalar \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor. ABD, \u201cbar\u0131\u015f koridorlar\u0131\u201d, \u201cinsani yard\u0131m yollar\u0131\u201d ve \u201cstratejik i\u015f birli\u011fi a\u011flar\u0131\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda k\u00fcresel ticaretin ge\u00e7i\u015f noktalar\u0131n\u0131 kendi denetim sistemine dahil ediyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki geli\u015fmeler yaln\u0131zca b\u00f6lgesel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar veya enerji politikalar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, B\u00fcy\u00fck Ortado\u011fu Projesi\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u00c7in\u2019i durdurma stratejisinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Ama\u00e7 yaln\u0131zca \u00c7in\u2019i ekonomik olarak yava\u015flatmak de\u011fil; ticaretin ge\u00e7ti\u011fi co\u011frafyay\u0131 yeniden tasarlayarak onun k\u00fcresel yay\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da fiziki olarak s\u0131n\u0131rlamakt\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda tarihsel derinli\u011fe bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, g\u00fc\u00e7lerin egemenli\u011fi ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131n kontrol\u00fcyle \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Asurlulardan itibaren egemen devletlerin, ticaretin g\u00fcvenli\u011fini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in kervansaraylar ve hanlar in\u015fa etti\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. \u00c7in\u2019den ba\u015flay\u0131p Avrupa\u2019ya kadar uzanan d\u00fcnyaca \u00fcnl\u00fc \u201c\u0130pek Yolu\u201d belleklerimizden silinmeyen bir ticaret yoludur.  Bu yap\u0131lar ekonomik oldu\u011fu kadar siyasal h\u00e2kimiyetin de simgesiydi. Ancak, 17. y\u00fczy\u0131ldan itibaren deniz ticaretinin y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle hanlar\u0131n yerini liman kentleri ald\u0131; b\u00f6ylece g\u00fc\u00e7 karadan denize ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni \u0130pek Yolu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hindistan\u2019daki G 20 zirvesinde (Eyl\u00fcl 2023) Ba\u015fkan Biden taraf\u0131ndan 20 milyar dolarl\u0131k IMEC (Hindistan-Orta Do\u011fu-Avrupa Ekonomik Koridoru) projesi ortaya at\u0131ld\u0131. Ama\u00e7; b\u00f6lgesel kalk\u0131nma ve limanlar aras\u0131nda daha iyi-g\u00fcvenilir ba\u011flant\u0131 olu\u015fturarak, ilgili \u00fclkelerin ekonomik ve politik entegrasyonunu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmekti. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn yeni bir \u00e7a\u011fday\u0131z: Rivieralar \u00e7a\u011f\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Egemen g\u00fc\u00e7lerin hegemonyas\u0131 ne kervan yollar\u0131nda ne de s\u00f6m\u00fcrge limanlar\u0131nda kuruluyor. K\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler, ekonomik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel cazibe merkezleri yaratarak, mek\u00e2nlar\u0131 do\u011frudan i\u015fgal etmek yerine kendi denetimlerinde rivieralar olu\u015fturuyorlar. \u00d6yle anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7ler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni hakimiyetin simgesi \u201crivieralar\u201d olacak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gazze i\u00e7in Trump taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclen \u201cRiviera Projesi\u201d ya da K\u0131z\u0131ldeniz k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda planlanan \u201cye\u015fil \u015fehirler\u201d (\u00f6rne\u011fin Neom) bu yeni hegemonyan\u0131n vitrinleridir. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde kalk\u0131nma ve bar\u0131\u015f, ger\u00e7ekte ise co\u011frafyan\u0131n yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131. T\u0131pk\u0131 kervansaraylar\u0131n ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvenceye ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, kolonilerin mallar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mak i\u00e7in kuruldu\u011fu gibi\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in, Ku\u015fak ve Yol Giri\u015fimi  ile 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u201cmodern kervansaray a\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d kurdu: yollar, limanlar, enerji hatlar\u0131 ve dijital a\u011flar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Asya\u2019dan Avrupa\u2019ya kesintisiz bir ekonomik hat. ABD bu geli\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 koridor diplomasisini ba\u015flatt\u0131. Bu, do\u011frudan i\u015fgal de\u011fil; ticaret g\u00fczerg\u00e2hlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cbar\u0131\u015f\u201d, \u201cg\u00fcvenlik\u201d ve \u201ckalk\u0131nma\u201d kavramlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden yeniden tan\u0131mlama stratejisiydi. Ama\u00e7, \u00c7in\u2019in Ku\u015fak-Yol a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 denizden ve karadan ku\u015fatmakt\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ekonomik rekabeti, tarihsel olarak ticaret yollar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki kolonizasyonun dijital versiyonu haline geldi. Eskiden kervansaraylar g\u00fcvenlik sa\u011flard\u0131, koloniler ticareti ta\u015f\u0131rd\u0131; bug\u00fcn rivieralar ve koridorlar k\u00fcresel sermayenin dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenliyor. Ortado\u011fu bu rekabetin merkezi haline geldi. Gazze, Zengezur ve S\u00fcvey\u015f\u2019i art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca ticari de\u011fil, ideolojik alanlar olarak g\u00f6rmeliyiz. Bir yanda \u00c7in\u2019in m\u00fcdahalesiz \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 kalk\u0131nma\u201d s\u00f6ylemi; di\u011fer yanda ABD\u2019nin \u201cbar\u0131\u015f koridoru\u201d diplomasisi. Gazze\u2019deki \u201cbar\u0131\u015f koridoru\u201d, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde insani bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm; ger\u00e7ekte ise Deniz \u0130pek Yolu\u2019nun Akdeniz \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na kelep\u00e7edir. Zengezur hatt\u0131, \u00c7in\u2019in kara eri\u015fimini belirginsizle\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u0131s\u0131r- S\u00fcvey\u015f Kanal\u0131, Bat\u0131 kontrol\u00fcndeki lojistik merkezdir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD\u2019nin \u00c7in\u2019in Ku\u015fak-Yol Giri\u015fimi\u2019ni \u00e7evreleme stratejisi, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l Britanya \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun Hint Okyanusu politikas\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlat\u0131yor. Ticaretin serbest ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 art\u0131k belirli bo\u011fazlara ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 hale geliyor; hegemonya ekonomik ara\u00e7larla de\u011fil, jeopolitik ge\u00e7itlerle kuruluyor. ABD art\u0131k serbest ticaretin koruyucusu de\u011fil; dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n denetleyicisidir. Dijital Kervansaraylar ve Yeni G\u00fc\u00e7 Bi\u00e7imleri t\u00fcr\u00fcndeki blokajlara \u00c7in, silahla de\u011fil a\u011f \u00e7e\u015fitlendirmesiyle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veriyor. BRICS geni\u015flemesi ile finansal \u00e7ok kutupluluk yarat\u0131yor\u2026 Art\u0131k \u00c7in i\u00e7in kervansaray bir han de\u011fil, bir veri merkezi. Altyap\u0131 sava\u015flar\u0131 fiber hatlar, bulut a\u011flar\u0131 ve yapay zek\u00e2 \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor. ABD\u2019nin koridor diplomasisine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u00c7in, dijital kervansaray diplomasisi geli\u015ftiriyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gazze\/Rivieralar \u00e7a\u011f\u0131: Kaba G\u00fcc\u00fcn esteti\u011fi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemin ideali, serbest ticaretti\u2026 Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ger\u00e7e\u011fi g\u00fczerg\u00e2h siyaseti. Ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcme art\u0131k \u00fcretim kapasitesiyle de\u011fil, ba\u011flant\u0131 kapasitesiyle \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Yollar\u0131n g\u00fcvenli\u011fi, mallar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden daha \u00f6nemli hale geldi. ABD\u2019nin yeni stratejisi, serbest ticareti korumak de\u011fil; ticaretin ge\u00e7ti\u011fi co\u011frafyay\u0131 yeniden tan\u0131mlamak ve denetim alt\u0131na almak. Bu d\u00fczenin estetik y\u00fcz\u00fc rivieralar. Art\u0131k g\u00fc\u00e7, tanklarla de\u011fil; turkuaz renkli yat\u0131r\u0131m projeleriyle g\u00f6steriliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hegemonya, sava\u015f gemilerinden mimari maketlere ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131. Rivieralar \u2014 K\u0131z\u0131ldeniz k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u201cye\u015fil \u015fehirler\u201d, Akdeniz\u2019deki \u201cteknoloji marinalar\u0131\u201d \u2014 modern \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n g\u00fcl\u00fcmseyen kolonileridir. Tarihte kervansaraylar g\u00fcvenlik sa\u011flard\u0131, koloniler mallar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131rd\u0131; bug\u00fcn\u00fcn rivieralar\u0131 alg\u0131 y\u00f6netir. Han d\u00f6neminde g\u00fc\u00e7 topra\u011f\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcndeydi, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda deniz k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda; bug\u00fcn ise zihinlerin i\u00e7inde.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art\u0131k hegemonya \u00e7elikle de\u011fil, \u0131\u015f\u0131kla, zorla de\u011fil, cazibe ve estetikle kuruluyor.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art\u0131k yollar\u0131 de\u011fil, yollar\u0131n anlam\u0131n\u0131 kontrol eden kazan\u0131yor. Ortado\u011fu art\u0131k yaln\u0131z jeopolitik de\u011fil, jeo-estetik bir sava\u015f alan\u0131d\u0131r. Koridorlar\u0131n askeri denetiminden rivieralar\u0131n duygusal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne ge\u00e7i\u015f, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n yeni imparatorluk bi\u00e7imidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin rol\u00fc Ne Olmal\u0131?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye, ne Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n koridor jeopoliti\u011finde bir ge\u00e7it, ne de \u00c7in\u2019in dijital kervansaray a\u011f\u0131nda bir durak olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Her iki hatt\u0131 da kendi kalk\u0131nma vizyonuna ba\u011flayan \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir eksen in\u015fa etmelidir. T\u00fcrkiye, bu yeniden yap\u0131lanan g\u00fc\u00e7 sisteminde Brezilya ve Hindistan gibi y\u00fckselen k\u00fcresel akt\u00f6rlerle dengeli, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir pozisyon izlemelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcresel sermayenin artan egemenli\u011fi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni d\u00fczende bir rol\u00fcn\u00fcz yoksa tampon \u00fclke olmaktan \u00f6teye gidemezsiniz. Bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye; ba\u015fta Ortado\u011fu olmak \u00fczere, T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131, Kafkasya ve Akdeniz\u2019de \u00e7ok merkezli dayan\u0131\u015fma bloklar\u0131 kurmak zorundad\u0131r<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Z\u00fcrih merkezli Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131mlanan (Global Wealth Report 2025) \u201cK\u00fcresel Servet Ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 Raporu\u201d yenid\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin, art\u0131k a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak k\u00fcresel sermayenin patronaj\u0131nda in\u015fa edildi\u011fini bize g\u00f6steriyor. Bu d\u00fczen e\u015fitler aras\u0131nda bir i\u015f birli\u011fi de\u011fil; giderek daha belirginle\u015fen bir kast sisteminin yeni modeli olarak alg\u0131lanabilir. Rapor \u015funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcresel ekonomide k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir paradigma de\u011fi\u015fimi ya\u015fanmakta; devletlerin ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00f6receli olarak zay\u0131flarken, k\u00fcresel sermaye elitleri d\u00fcnya servetinin (her y\u0131l giderek artan oranda) ezici bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu ellerinde tutmaktad\u0131rlar. Servetin bu denli bireylerde yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131, devletlerin ekonomik ve politik g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu tablo merkezi karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini -ki buna ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla devletler de diyebiliriz- k\u00fcresel sermaye akt\u00f6rlerinin etkisine a\u00e7\u0131k h\u00e2le getirmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2025 raporuna g\u00f6re, devletlerin toplam kamu serveti 45\u201350 trilyon dolar aras\u0131nda iken, bireysel servet 500 trilyon dolar d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Aradaki bu b\u00fcy\u00fck fark, ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fcn kamusal alandan k\u00fcresel sermayeye kayd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece k\u00fcresel sermayenin yaln\u0131zca b\u00fcy\u00fck yat\u0131r\u0131m ve sermayeyi y\u00f6nlendirme kapasitesine sahip olmakla kalmay\u0131p, politik karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini de dolayl\u0131 ve bazen de do\u011frudan etkileyebilme kapasitesine ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nitekim rapor \u015fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi de \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze koymaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcresel sermaye, art\u0131k ulusal ekonomiler \u00fczerinde egemenlik kurma potansiyeline eri\u015fmi\u015f durumda. K\u00fcresel sermaye bug\u00fcn sadece paraya h\u00fckmetmiyor. \u00dclkeleri sava\u015flara sokan, siyaseti y\u00f6nlendiren, kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkelerin ekonomilerini bat\u0131rma potansiyeli olan bir g\u00fc\u00e7ten s\u00f6z ediyoruz. Ve bu g\u00fc\u00e7; yat\u0131r\u0131m, ticaret ve finansman a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan d\u00fcnya ticaretinde uluslar \u00f6tesi bir anlay\u0131\u015fla b\u00fcy\u00fcmeye ve kar\u0131n\u0131 maksimize etmeye devam ediyor. Raporda ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6zelinde derinle\u015fen gelir e\u015fitsizli\u011fine ve bunun yap\u0131sal bir soruna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne de dikkat \u00e7ekilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Peki, k\u00fcresel sermaye ne ister?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

– K\u00fcresel sermaye, b\u00fcy\u00fcmesini engelleyecek siyasi kararlar\u0131 istemez. Siyaseten etkilenmeyi de\u011fil, siyaseti etkilemeyi ve y\u00f6nlendirmeyi ister. Yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkede hesap vermek istemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

– K\u00fcresel sermaye, dijitalle\u015fmi\u015f, g\u00f6zetlenen toplumlar ister. B\u00f6ylece toplumun her hareketini veri olarak izlemek ve algoritmik kontrolle y\u00f6nlendirilmesini sa\u011flamay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar. Teknoloji monarklar\u0131n\u0131n devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 kazan\u0131m\u0131 art\u0131k \u201cdevletleraras\u0131 rekabet\u201d de\u011fil, \u201ca\u011flar aras\u0131 rekabet\u201d d\u00f6nemini ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

– Fon ak\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla \u00fclkelerin siyasetinde s\u00f6z sahibi olmak ister. Buna \u201cfinansal egemenlik\u201d de diyebiliriz. Bug\u00fcn i\u00e7in k\u00fcresel sermaye bu egemenli\u011fini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. \u015eu ger\u00e7e\u011fi art\u0131k unutmamak gerekiyor. K\u00fcresel sermaye art\u0131k m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme politikas\u0131 uyguluyor. \u00d6rne\u011fin ara\u00e7 al\u0131yorsunuz, isterse uzaktan kapatabiliyor. Gayrimenkul ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda, sigortadan, krediye kadar, bir dizi sistemle kontrol ediliyorsunuz. S\u00fcrekli sanal para ve t\u00fcrev \u00fcr\u00fcnler \u00fczerinden eme\u011finiz, geliriniz gasp edilebiliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

– Ve daha \u00f6nemlisi, k\u00fcresel yat\u0131r\u0131m fonlar\u0131 ve teknoloji devleriyle olu\u015fturdu\u011fu dijital a\u011flar\u0131, dijital \u00fcslere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek enerji kaynaklar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki hakimiyetini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek ve veri egemenli\u011fini korumak ister.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD-\u0130ngiltere rekabeti<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te dikkatimizden ka\u00e7mamas\u0131 gereken bir ger\u00e7e\u011fin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmekte de yarar var. Her ne kadar tarihsel bir m\u00fcttefik olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc \u00e7izseler de ABD ve \u0130ngiltere aras\u0131nda, asl\u0131nda muazzam bir jeopolitik yer ve n\u00fcfuz kapma m\u00fccadelesi var. Buna \u00f6zellikle son birka\u00e7 y\u0131lda, daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131k oluyoruz. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte okyanuslara hakim olan \u0130ngiltere\u2019ydi. Zamanla bu h\u00e2kimiyetini ABD\u2019ye kapt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cOkyanuslara hakim olan d\u00fcnyaya hakim olur\u201d ger\u00e7e\u011fini unutmamak gerekiyor.  S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeleriyle ayr\u0131 bir blok olu\u015fturan \u0130ngiltere (Britanya Milletler Toplulu\u011fu) ABD ile olan g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen rekabetini kaybederek bug\u00fcn i\u00e7in farkl\u0131 bir yol izlemeye koyuldu\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeni kurulurken \u015fekillenmesi istenen en \u00f6nemli co\u011frafya Ortado\u011fu ve bu co\u011frafyan\u0131n en \u00f6nemli \u00fclkesi de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019dir. \u0130\u015fte tam da bu nedenle \u00f6ncelikle \u201cOrtado\u011fu Bar\u0131\u015f ve \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u201d (OB\u0130T) kurulmas\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye’nin bu ad\u0131ma \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck ve liderlik etmesi gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye Ne Yapmal\u0131?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Halk\u0131n se\u00e7me iradesine dayal\u0131 ve do\u011frudan demokrasiyle y\u00f6netilen b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnya devletlerinin \u00fcniter yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ve halk iradesini tehdit eden k\u00fcresel sermaye tehlikesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, gen\u00e7 cumhuriyetimizin temellerinin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bin y\u0131ll\u0131k devlet gelene\u011fi tabii ki koruyucu bir kalkand\u0131r. Ama bu tehlike kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, al\u0131nmas\u0131 gereken \u00f6nlemler eksik b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa sermayenin ac\u0131mas\u0131z ve doymak bilmeyen yok edici g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirme-kontrol edebilme ger\u00e7e\u011fini de g\u00f6rmek zorunday\u0131z. Bu yeni d\u00fczende bir rol\u00fcn\u00fcz yoksa tampon \u00fclke olmaktan \u00f6teye gidemezsiniz. Bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye; ba\u015fta Ortado\u011fu olmak \u00fczere, T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131, Kafkasya ve Akdeniz\u2019de \u00e7ok merkezli dayan\u0131\u015fma bloklar\u0131 kurmak zorundad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye, yukar\u0131da s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fim “Ortado\u011fu Bar\u0131\u015f ve \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi Te\u015fkilat\u0131” ad\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra 500 milyonluk T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 yan\u0131na alan bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve uzun vadeli stratejik bir i\u015f birli\u011fi vizyonunu da \u00f6n\u00fcne koymal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bu i\u015f birli\u011fi ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra; niceli\u011fin de\u011fil niteli\u011fin \u00f6nem kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenini yakalaman\u0131n ve hatta \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7menin en \u00f6nemli ko\u015fulu; bilim ve teknolojiyle bezenmi\u015f, nitelikli ve katma de\u011feri y\u00fcksek \u00fcr\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131karan, hukuk sisteminin g\u00fcvencesi alt\u0131nda \u00fcretime dayal\u0131 bir ekonomi modeli in\u015fa etmektir.  Bunun ilk ad\u0131m\u0131 da \u201cStratejik Planlama Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u201d kurmaktan ge\u00e7er.  Yukar\u0131da bahsetti\u011fim; co\u011frafya karde\u015fli\u011fimiz ve tarihsel birlikteli\u011fimiz olan devletlerle kurulmu\u015f bir yap\u0131n\u0131n merkezinde y\u00f6netici ve y\u00f6n verici bir T\u00fcrkiye, sadece b\u00f6lgesinde de\u011fil d\u00fcnyada da \u00f6nc\u00fc ve y\u00f6netici olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dostlar\u0131m,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uykumuz a\u011f\u0131r\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00fc\u015fman yaman\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6nem amans\u0131z\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ve Cohen’in dedi\u011fi gibi “zarlar hileli”…<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninde ABD \u2013 Rusya \u2013 \u00c7in \u2013 Avrupa ve T\u00fcrkiye<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u00e7eride zay\u0131f olan bir devlet, d\u0131\u015far\u0131da denge kuramaz. ABD\u2019nin So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019ta \u00c7in\u2019e uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yumu\u015fama stratejisi bug\u00fcn \u00c7in\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 Rusya ile yeniden sahneye \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm; Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131, transatlantik ili\u015fkileri, Rusya-\u00c7in ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve Avrasya g\u00fcvenlik mimarisini derinden etkilemektedir<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019tan Ukrayna Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019na jeopolitik \u00f6ncelikler de\u011fi\u015fiyor mu? Washington\u2019un \u00c7in\u2019i \u00e7evrelemek i\u00e7in Rusya ile \u201ckontroll\u00fc yumu\u015fama\u201d aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 olabilir mi? Bunun Avrupa, Avrasya ve T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in olas\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ne olabilir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu sorulara yan\u0131t ararken, \u00f6ncelikle \u015fu ger\u00e7e\u011fin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zenle \u00e7izmek gerekir: Uluslar\u0131n ve devletlerin jeopolitik konumlanmas\u0131, k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birbirlerine y\u00f6nelik tehdit alg\u0131lar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftik\u00e7e yeniden \u015fekillenir. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde ABD\u2019nin \u00c7in ile geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi yumu\u015fama politikas\u0131 bunun en klasik \u00f6rneklerinden biridir. Washington, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin k\u00fcresel etkisini dengelemek i\u00e7in ideolojik rakibi \u00c7in ile stratejik bir a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015f; bu hamle Sovyet blo\u011funu jeopolitik olarak yaln\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn benzer bir stratejik mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n tersine \u00e7evrilmi\u015f versiyonu sahneye \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131yla Bat\u0131 i\u00e7in ikincil bir tehdit haline gelen Rusya, \u00c7in\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015fi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yeniden stratejik de\u011fer kazanmaktad\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin birincil tehdidi art\u0131k Rusya de\u011fil, \u00c7in\u2019dir. Bu nedenle Washington, Rusya\u2019y\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019den uzakla\u015ft\u0131rabilecek bir kontroll\u00fc yumu\u015fama ihtimalini yeniden de\u011ferlendirmektedir. Bu stratejik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn en g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr sahnesi ise Ukrayna\u2019d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD-Rusya Yumu\u015fama mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel arka plan\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1970\u2019lerde ABD\u2019nin \u00c7in a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 temel hedefe dayan\u0131yordu\u2026 1. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ni \u00e7evrelemek, 2. Avrasya g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek, 3. \u0130ki cepheli tehdit ihtimalini ortadan kald\u0131rmak. Washington, \u00c7in ile diplomatik ili\u015fki kurarak Sovyetlerin do\u011fu kanad\u0131ndaki bask\u0131y\u0131 art\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, \u00c7in\u2019i uluslararas\u0131 sisteme entegre etmi\u015f ve bu strateji Sovyet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn zay\u0131flamas\u0131nda kritik rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. NATO\u2019nun 1999 ve 2004 geni\u015flemeleriyle Balt\u0131k \u00fclkeleri ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131 Rusya\u2019n\u0131n n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131ndan kopar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, Moskova jeopolitik olarak yaln\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn ise tablo k\u00f6kl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in Ne Yapmak \u0130stiyor?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci on y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren \u00c7in; D\u00fcnya ekonomisinin ikinci b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fcc\u00fc olmu\u015f.. Teknolojide ABD\u2019ye rakip hale gelmi\u015f Asker\u00ee modernizasyon \u00e7abalar\u0131yla  Pasifik dengelerini sarsm\u0131\u015f\u2026Ku\u015fak-Yol Giri\u015fimi ile Avrasya\u2019da altyap\u0131sal ve lojistik h\u00e2kimiyet kurmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Washington\u2019da giderek netle\u015fen stratejik yarg\u0131 \u015fudur\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD ayn\u0131 anda hem Rusya\u2019yla hem \u00c7in\u2019le uzun soluklu b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7 rekabeti y\u00fcr\u00fctemez. Bu nedenle ABD\u2019nin tehdit s\u0131ralamas\u0131 yeniden tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Birincil tehdit: \u00c7in<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 \u0130kincil tehdit: Rusya<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 B\u00f6lgesel tehditler: \u0130ran, Kuzey Kore, Orta Do\u011fu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu de\u011fi\u015fim, Ukrayna politikas\u0131n\u0131 da k\u00f6kl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu b\u00f6l\u00fcme bir not daha d\u00fc\u015fmemiz gerekiyor. \u0130ngiltere Gizli \u0130stihbarat Servisi (SIS) Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Blaise Metreweli\u2019nin 15 Aral\u0131k 2025 tarihli konu\u015fmas\u0131\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u00c7in, bu y\u00fczy\u0131lda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek k\u00fcresel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn merkezinde yer alaca\u011f\u0131ndan, MI6 olarak bizlerin, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin \u00c7in’in y\u00fckseli\u015fini ve bunun \u0130ngiltere ulusal g\u00fcvenli\u011fi \u00fczerindeki etkilerini anlamas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaya devam etmemiz \u015fartt\u0131r.\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bat\u0131 \u0130\u00e7in \u00c7in tehdidinin as\u0131l boyutu: K\u00fcresel finansal mimari<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015fi yaln\u0131zca asker\u00ee veya ticari de\u011fildir; k\u00fcresel finans d\u00fczenine y\u00f6neliktir. ABD hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n temel dayana\u011f\u0131, dolar merkezli finansal mimaridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in ise; \u2022 Kendi paras\u0131 olan Dijital yuan ile,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Enerji ticaretinde dolar d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6deme mekanizmalar\u0131 ile,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 \u0130kili ticaret anla\u015fmalar\u0131 ile,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Alternatif finans ve kredi a\u011flar\u0131 \u00fczerinden bu yap\u0131y\u0131 a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rusya\u2019n\u0131n SWIFT sisteminden d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131, \u00c7in i\u00e7in alternatif finans sistemlerinin test alan\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n tamamen \u00c7in finansal ekosistemine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 hale gelmesi, ABD a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan asker\u00ee de\u011fil sistemik bir k\u0131r\u0131lma riski anlam\u0131na gelir. Bu nedenle Washington\u2019un Rusya ile kontroll\u00fc yumu\u015fama aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, yaln\u0131zca Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netmek de\u011fil; \u00c7in merkezli alternatif k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeni geciktirmek amac\u0131n\u0131 da ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD\u2019nin asker\u00ee paradigmas\u0131 ve Ukrayna<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD sava\u015flar\u0131 yaln\u0131zca sahada de\u011fil; teknoloji, \u00fcretim ve tedarik zincirleriyle kazanma anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 tarihsel olarak kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pentagon\u2019un \u00f6ncelikleri art\u0131k:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Yapay zek\u00e2,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Uzay teknolojileri,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Yar\u0131 iletken \u00fcretimi,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Siber kapasite,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 \u0130HA ve drone ekosistemleri,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 K\u00fcresel lojistik a\u011flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ba\u011flamda ABD\u2019nin Ukrayna\u2019dan k\u0131smen geri \u00e7ekilmesi bir zay\u0131fl\u0131k de\u011fil; \u00c7in ile uzun vadeli rekabet i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7 konsolidasyonudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD\u2019nin Rusya ile kontroll\u00fc yumu\u015fama aray\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Washington\u2019da \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00fc\u00e7 de\u011ferlendirme dikkat \u00e7ekicidir:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n tamamen \u00e7\u00f6kmesi \u00c7in\u2019e yarar ve \u00c7in\u2019i g\u00fc\u00e7lendirir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u00c7in\u2019e tam ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ABD i\u00e7in uzun vadeli tehdittir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3. Moskova ile ba\u011flar\u0131n kopmas\u0131 Pekin-Moskova eksenini kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle ABD,  Ukrayna\u2019n\u0131n azami toprak talebini desteklemiyor:  <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Ukrayna\u2019ya Asker\u00ee deste\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Diplomatik kanallar\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u201cy\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarabilece\u011fi\u201d bir ate\u015fkes ihtimalini g\u00fcndeme alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.  Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m asl\u0131nda, 1972 \u00c7in yumu\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n tersine \u00e7evrilmi\u015f versiyonudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avrupa neyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yor?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD i\u00e7in birincil tehdit \u00c7in iken, Avrupa i\u00e7in birincil tehdit h\u00e2l\u00e2 Rusya\u2019d\u0131r. Polonya, Balt\u0131k \u00fclkeleri ve Almanya a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Rusya sistemik bir g\u00fcvenlik tehdididir. ABD\u2019nin hesab\u0131 k\u00fcresel, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131nki ise b\u00f6lgeseldir. Avrupa Birli\u011fi ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00c7in\u2019e olan teknoloji ve tedarik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 azaltmak istemektedir. AB\u2019nin \u201cne ABD\u2019li ne \u00c7inli teknoloji vasal\u0131 olmak istemiyoruz\u201d \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, klasik d\u0131\u015f politikadan ziyade teknolojik egemenlik ve stratejik \u00f6zerklik aray\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Orta B\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckteki g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve yeni denge alan\u0131: T\u00fcrkiye, Hindistan, Brezilya, Suudi Arabistan ve Endonezya<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni yaln\u0131zca b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda \u015fekillenmemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye, Hindistan, Brezilya, Suudi Arabistan ve Endonezya gibi \u00fclkeler; tek bir blokta hizalanmak yerine denge \u00fcretici akt\u00f6rler olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00fclkeler i\u00e7in tercih ikilemi de\u011fil, \u00e7oklu angajman d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r T\u00fcrkiye bu grubun en kritik \u00fcyelerinden biridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019in Politikalar\u0131 ve K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rusya, \u00c7in i\u00e7in;<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 ABD hegemonyas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 siyasal uyum,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Enerji g\u00fcvenli\u011fi,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Rusya ilaveten Kara koridorlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan stratejik ortakt\u0131r.; <\/strong>ABD-Rusya yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019i Avrasya\u2019da yaln\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rabilir, Tayvan konusunda ABD\u2019nin elini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirebilir ve Ku\u015fak-Yol projelerini zay\u0131flatabilir. Ancak buna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00c7in\u2019in \u00f6nemli bir avantaj\u0131 vard\u0131r: K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019in deste\u011fi. Afrika, Latin Amerika ve Asya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc Bat\u0131 yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131na kat\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f, Rusya ve \u00c7in ile ili\u015fkilerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu durum Bat\u0131 merkezli d\u00fczenin me\u015fruiyet krizini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin stratejik konumu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in bu uluslararas\u0131 tablo hem f\u0131rsatlar hem riskler bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

F\u0131rsatlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Rusya-Bat\u0131 aras\u0131nda arabuluculuk,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Karadeniz g\u00fcvenlik mimarisinde merkez \u00fclke olma,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Enerji ve lojistik koridorlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olma.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Riskler:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 ABD-Rusya pazarl\u0131klar\u0131nda d\u0131\u015flanma riski,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Rusya-\u00c7in dengesinin T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerinde bask\u0131 yaratmas\u0131,<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den beklentilerinin artmas\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye ne yapmal\u0131?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcresel perspektifli politika \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye kendisini cephe \u00fclkesi de\u011fil, denge \u00fclkesi olarak konumland\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131r. ABD ile ili\u015fki pazarl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 stratejik ortakl\u0131k temelinde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmeli; NATO \u00fcyeli\u011fi otomatik angajman de\u011fil stratejik kald\u0131ra\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmelidir. Rusya ile i\u015fbirli\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmeli ancak enerji ve finansal ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa izin verilmemelidir. \u00c7in ile ili\u015fkiler se\u00e7ici, ekonomik ve lojistik eksenli tutulmal\u0131; teknolojik egemenlik korunmal\u0131d\u0131r. Avrupa ile g\u00fcvenlik merkezli de\u011fil, teknoloji ve \u00fcretim ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayal\u0131 yeni bir ili\u015fki in\u015fa edilmelidir. T\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n \u00f6n ko\u015fulu ise kurumsal kapasitenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesidir. \u0130\u00e7eride zay\u0131f olan bir devlet, d\u0131\u015far\u0131da denge kuramaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7: K\u0131r\u0131lgan bar\u0131\u015f, yeni denge<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

ABD\u2019nin So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019ta \u00c7in\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yumu\u015fama stratejisi bug\u00fcn \u00c7in\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 Rusya ile yeniden sahneye \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm; Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131, transatlantik ili\u015fkileri, Rusya-\u00c7in ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve Avrasya g\u00fcvenlik mimarisini derinden etkilemektedir. T\u00fcrkiye do\u011fru stratejiyle bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te yaln\u0131zca etkilenen de\u011fil, denge kuran ve y\u00f6n veren bir akt\u00f6r olabilir. Bu, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in nadir bir tarihsel f\u0131rsat penceresidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Eski CHP Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019nun Yeni G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczenine Do\u011fru\u2026 \u00c7in\u2019in \u00f6nemli bir avantaj\u0131 var: K\u00fcresel G\u00fcney\u2019in deste\u011fi. Ekim-Aral\u0131k 2025 Bildi\u011fimiz d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcyor mu? D\u00fcnya, Gramsci’nin me\u015fhur s\u00f6z\u00fcyle “eskinin \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ama yeninin hen\u00fcz do\u011fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131” sanc\u0131l\u0131 bir ara d\u00f6nemden ge\u00e7iyor. Uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin \u00e7imentosu olan kurallar ve kurumlar \u00e7at\u0131rd\u0131yor. Bir zamanlar “tarihin sonu” diye sunulan […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[5,51],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6095","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-dunya-sosyalizmi","category-dunya-sosyalizmi-tr"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6095","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6095"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6095\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6097,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6095\/revisions\/6097"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6095"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6095"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6095"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}