{"id":6136,"date":"2026-01-19T19:13:40","date_gmt":"2026-01-19T19:13:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6136"},"modified":"2026-01-19T19:15:07","modified_gmt":"2026-01-19T19:15:07","slug":"hikmet-kivilcimlinin-teorik-ve-siyasi-gorusleri","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6136","title":{"rendered":"Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Teorik ve Siyasi G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Teorik ve Siyasi G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Giri\u015f: EMEP ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Yolu dergisinden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bkz.   https:\/\/www.ozgurlukdunyasi.org\/2015\/03\/03\/gecmisten-bugune-turkiye-sol-hareketi-dr-hikmet-kivilcimli-ve-tkp-2-qyolqun-sonu\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Derleyen Eyl\u00fcl Deniz<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u0131saltmalar bize aittir. Bu yaz\u0131da olduk\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz ve kan\u0131ts\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n  Brejnev \u00f6nderli\u011findeki SBKP\u2019nin \u201ckapitalist olmayan yoldan sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015f\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden etkilendi\u011fi tezi savunulmu\u015ftur. Yaz\u0131 Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 1960\u2019larda ve ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n son g\u00fcnlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini olumsuz y\u00f6nde g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irdi\u011fini savunmaktad\u0131r. Yaz\u0131 Haziran 1993 tarihlidir.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

  Metin buradan ba\u015fl\u0131yor<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n TKP i\u00e7inde, teorik ve ideolojik bir muhalefeti temsil eden ve strateji-taktik konular\u0131nda ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 \u00f6neriler ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler i\u00e7eren toplu yaz\u0131lar\u0131, \u201cYOL\u201d genel ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n bu b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde, \u201cYOL\u201dun, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019y\u0131, pratik siyasi hayat\u0131nda g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc son noktay\u0131 inceleyece\u011fiz.
Teoride savunulan pek \u00e7ok do\u011fru, \u00f6nerilerin i\u00e7eri\u011finde bulunan devrimci \u00f6\u011feler, bir d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in muhalefet konumunda bulunurken ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen taktik ve stratejik at\u0131l\u0131m talepleri, eninde sonunda kendilerinin pratikte s\u0131nanacaklar\u0131 bir zamana kadar g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131 devrimcili\u011fi koruyabilirler. Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, kendi i\u00e7lerinde de \u00f6nemli zaaflar ta\u015f\u0131yan \u00f6neri ve ele\u015ftirileri bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde i\u00e7erdikleri devrimci \u00f6zellikleri ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 temel almaya \u00f6zen g\u00f6steren tavr\u0131n\u0131 gitgide kaybetmi\u015f ve sonunda, genel ve sistemli (Derleyenin Notu: SBKP Revizyonizmi ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olan)<\/strong> TKP revizyonizminin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde bu sistemin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline gelerek, kendine \u00f6zg\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc de kaybedip proletaryan\u0131n eylemini ve kom\u00fcnizmin hedeflerini esas almayan bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva darbecili\u011fine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.
Bu noktadan geriye do\u011fru gidildi\u011finde, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki teorik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda ve ele\u015ftirilerinde de kendisini g\u00f6steren ve genel i\u00e7erikleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Marksist s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi teorisine ayk\u0131r\u0131 tespitlerinde temellerini buldu\u011funu g\u00f6rebiliriz. Bu tespitlerin ve Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi teorisi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki durumunun a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya devlet ve onun kurumlar\u0131 kars\u0131s\u0131nda tak\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 teorik ve pratik tutumdur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

KIVILCIMLI\u2019NIN TEOR\u0130K ANAL\u0130Z\u0130NDE T\u00dcRK ORDUSUNUN YER\u0130<\/strong>
Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz, bug\u00fcn Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019y\u0131, hayat\u0131n\u0131n son g\u00fcnlerindeki e\u011filimleri ve eylemleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan de\u011ferlendirirken, \u00f6zellikle o g\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ruh halini g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutmak zorunludur.
\u00d6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn son g\u00fcnlerinde, tuttu\u011fu g\u00fcncesine \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yor:
\u201cGece her yar\u0131m saatte bir k\u0131vrand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 a\u011fr\u0131larla uyan\u0131p sabaha dek ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131m. \u2026 Dayan\u0131lmaz a\u011fr\u0131lar her \u015feyi unutturuyor. Ne zalim hastal\u0131km\u0131\u015f bu kanser? \u2026 Onun k\u00f6t\u00fcmserli\u011fi alt\u0131nda intihar\u0131 bile d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm oluyor. Ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n ve kendimin ba\u015f\u0131na bela olaca\u011f\u0131ma, s\u00fckunetle \u00e7eker giderim \u015fu d\u00fcnyadan. \u2026\u201d
\u201cTKP kanseri, ondan beter \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u2026 Bu politik kanserimiz, b\u00fct\u00fcn kanamalar\u0131yla sava\u015f\u0131 yava\u015flatm\u0131\u015f ve en sonra bug\u00fcnk\u00fc soysuzla\u015fmaya dayanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d
Gerek kendi militan hayat\u0131yla, gerekse b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc u\u011fruna hizmetle ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 Partisinin i\u00e7 hayat\u0131yla olan hesapla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, bir yandan da, o anda ne yapmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini tart\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Bu arada, \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn son on g\u00fcn\u00fcnde, gerek fiziksel olarak, gerekse ruhsal bak\u0131mdan, yukar\u0131daki sat\u0131rlar\u0131na da yans\u0131yan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131 ve umutsuzluk i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu bir s\u0131rada, Berlin\u2019den iki mektup yazar,
Mektuplar\u0131ndan biri, idam cezas\u0131 istemiyle yarg\u0131lanmak \u00fczere kendisi hakk\u0131nda tutuklama karar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f bulunan ordunun kontrol\u00fcndeki S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim Mahkemesinedir.
K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, mektubunda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den ka\u00e7mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kendisine yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f izni verilmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in Halit Aksungur ad\u0131na d\u00fczenlenmi\u015f kimlikle tedavi g\u00f6rmek i\u00e7in yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, T\u00fcrk Ordusunun adaletine hesap vermekten ka\u00e7\u0131nmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim Mahkemesi\u2019ne teslim olmak istedi\u011fini, bunun i\u00e7in d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f haz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kendisine bir par\u00e7a ayakta kalabilme izni vermesini bekledi\u011fini yaz\u0131yordu.
B\u00fct\u00fcn polis i\u015fkencelerinden aln\u0131n\u0131n ak\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kmakla hakl\u0131 olarak \u00f6v\u00fcnen, uzla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kavgac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile TKP kadrolar\u0131 i\u00e7inde nam salm\u0131\u015f bulunan bu ya\u015fl\u0131 militan\u0131n siyasi hayat\u0131n\u0131n, maddi hayat\u0131ndan \u00f6nce son bulmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an bu teslimiyet mektubu, T\u00fcrk bas\u0131n\u0131nda, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm haberiyle birlikte yay\u0131nland\u0131.
\u0130kinci mektup ise, Brejnev\u2019e, 30 Eyl\u00fcl 1971 tarihinde yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kendisinin \u201cSosyalist \u00fclkelere\u201d sokulmay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 protesto ve \u015fik\u00e2yet eden bu mektubuna a\u00e7\u0131k ve pratik bir cevap alarak, \u201cSosyalist Blok\u201dun b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerinden, kendi deyimiyle, \u201ckap\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131 edilmi\u015f\u201d ve sonunda Yugoslavya\u2019ya s\u0131\u011f\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, orada 11 Ekim 1971\u2019de \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Hemen hemen ayn\u0131 anda, biri b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6mr\u00fc boyunca m\u00fccadele etti\u011fi sosyalist ideallerin kalbi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Sovyetler Birli\u011fi Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin Sekreterine, di\u011feri de m\u00fccadelesinin hedefinde duran burjuvazinin devletinin bir kurumuna, iki mektup\u2026
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019ya bu trajik sonu haz\u0131rlayan tarihi ve siyasi nesnel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin yan\u0131nda, kendi teorik \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn de rol\u00fc bulundu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek yanl\u0131\u015f olmayacakt\u0131r.
T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi tarihinde darbelerin yeri Ye anlam\u0131n\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye solu, ilk kez 12 Mart sonras\u0131nda ciddi olarak tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve ge\u00e7mi\u015fe oranla, askeri darbeler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda daha net bir tav\u0131r geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in 12 Eyl\u00fcl zulm\u00fcn\u00fcn kendisine sundu\u011fu geni\u015f malzemeden yararlanabildi.
Bu iki tecr\u00fcbeyi g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutan siyasi de\u011ferlendirmeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n mektubu, ilk elde ve soyut olarak a\u00e7\u0131k bir teslimiyet mektubu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnecektir. Fakat Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n genel teorik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutuldu\u011funda, onun, Brejnev\u2019den adalet isterken ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k ve i\u00e7tenlikle, T\u00fcrk ordusundan da adalet isteyebilece\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. B\u00f6ylece, s\u00f6z konusu mektup, siyasi ahlak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yarg\u0131lamaya konu olacak bir belge olmaktan \u00e7ok, bir teorik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 son nokta olarak anlam kazanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u0130K\u0130NC\u0130 KUVAYI M\u0130LI\u0130YEC\u0130L\u0130\u011e\u0130M\u0130Z\u201d G\u00d6R\u00dc\u015e\u00dc<\/strong>
27 May\u0131s Askeri Darbesi, Dr.Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u0130kinci Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019na uzanan bir yoldu. (Bkz: 27 May\u0131s, Y\u00f6n\u2019\u00fcn Y\u00f6n\u00fc, Devlet\u00e7ili\u011fimiz, s.80) Ya da; \u201c27 May\u0131s, geleneksel ilmiyemizin (\u00fcniversitenin) yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilimsel ve gidimsel k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtma \u00fczerine, seyfiyemizin (ordumuzun) k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 ortaya atmas\u0131yd\u0131.\u201d (agy)
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bunlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u00f6zellikle 27 May\u0131s sonras\u0131nda bir t\u00fcr solculuk i\u015fareti olmaya ba\u015flayan \u201cdevlet\u00e7ilik\u201d savunusunu yapanlara kar\u015f\u0131, kavram\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7eri\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klar ve ele\u015ftirirken, devlet ve s\u0131n\u0131f h\u00e2kimiyeti ili\u015fkisi \u00fczerinde Marksizm\u2019in temel ilkelerini ve tezlerini de savunur: \u201cDevrimin birinci sorunu, \u015fu ya da bu doktrin ya da parola de\u011fil, iktidar sorunudur. \u0130ktidar ki\u015fi i\u015fi de de\u011fildir. \u0130ktidardaki Ki\u015fi, hangi sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f e\u011filimindeyse, devlet de, devlet\u00e7ilik de t\u00fcm o sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n egemenlik arac\u0131 olur.\u201d (age s. 80) \u201cSosyal s\u0131n\u0131f pusulas\u0131n\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131ran kimsenin siyasetten konu a\u00e7mas\u0131, dilinin alt\u0131nda bir \u015fey saklam\u0131yorsa, iflah olmaz toylu\u011fun s\u0131r\u0131tmas\u0131d\u0131r.
\u201cModern toplumun kapitalist \u00fcretim temel \u00fczerinde ba\u015fl\u0131ca toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar: 1- Kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, 2- \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (age. s.95)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, gerek Y\u00f6n dergisi etraf\u0131nda etkinlik g\u00f6steren, gerekse genel olarak 27 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131n \u201cilericili\u011fi\u201d hakk\u0131nda kan\u0131 yerle\u015ftiren \u00e7evrelere kar\u015f\u0131 kendi konumunu a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, daima bu k\u0131staslar\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. Devlet\u00e7i sosyalizm\u201d slogan\u0131yla politika yapan \u201cilericili\u011fi\u201d ele\u015ftirirken, Marksizm\u2019in temel tezlerine dayan\u0131r. Bu biraz da, onlarla ayn\u0131 kavram cephaneli\u011fini kullan\u0131yor olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklanan bir kayg\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, Y\u00f6n dergisi, \u201c\u0130kinci Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131\u201dndan s\u00f6z etmektedir, K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 da; Y\u00f6n dergisi gibi  \u201cKuvay\u0131 milliye seferberli\u011fi\u201d slogan\u0131n\u0131 kullanmaktad\u0131r, K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 ise, Vatan Partisi t\u00fcz\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, \u201cM\u00fcbarek Ekonomik Kuvay\u0131 Milliye seferberli\u011fi\u201d terimini kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bu benzerli\u011fi, kendisi taraf\u0131ndan konulmu\u015f ilkelerin tahrif edilmesi \u00e7abas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr ve \u201cdevlet\u00e7i sosyalistlerin bu slogan ve terimleri kullanmas\u0131n\u0131n, \u201cd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 buland\u0131rmak\u201d amac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fck oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler.
Fakat, ger\u00e7ekte Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bu kavramlara verdi\u011fi i\u00e7erik, ya da o d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan olaylara yak\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yorum, Marksizm\u2019le ne kadar uyu\u015fmaktad\u0131r? Kendisinin \u00d6zenle vurgulamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 farkl\u0131l\u0131k, ger\u00e7ekten var m\u0131d\u0131r? \u201cDevlet\u00e7i Sosyalistler\u201dle kendi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri aras\u0131na k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak a\u00e7\u0131klanabilecek ciddi bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k var m\u0131?
Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 27 May\u0131s de\u011ferlendirmelerinde, bir bak\u0131ma \u201chay\u0131flanma\u201d denilebilecek bir saptama \u00f6nemli yer tutmaktad\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re, e\u011fer darbeci subaylar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na dayansalard\u0131 veya ba\u015fl\u0131ca destek\u00e7ileri olarak bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 g\u00f6zeten bir politika izleselerdi, 27 May\u0131s, sosyalizm yolunda ilerleyebilir, en az\u0131ndan bir demokratik devrim karakteri kazanabilirdi!
\u201cDevrimci, Kendisine S\u0131r\u00e7a saraylar kurup \u00e7evresini yedi kat polis ve silahl\u0131 adamlarla sararak da sa\u011f kal\u0131r, \u00e7ar\u0131ks\u0131zlarla bir arada yasayarak, kalk sevgisinden \u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f z\u0131rhlar i\u00e7inde de\u2026 Ancak kendi \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fcne en elveri\u015fli sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 se\u00e7mek, Hasan Sabbah\u2019\u0131n Kan Kalesi i\u00e7inde nefsini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almaktan \u00e7ok daha garantilidir. Ki\u015fi i\u00e7in garantili olmasa bile, dava i\u00e7in garantilidir.\u201c27 May\u0131s, bu noktada yan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201c11 May\u0131s devrimcileri, sabah namaz\u0131ndan sonra kimseyi soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kartmayacaklar\u0131na, halka g\u00fcvenebilir, \u00e7ar\u0131kl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn yan\u0131na gitmenin b\u00fct\u00fcn yollar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7abilirlerdi.
\u201cH\u0131rpani i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini,  Amerika\u2019dan, milyon sa\u011flayan sendika gangsterlerinden kurtarabilirlerdi. Ekonomik kurtulu\u015f savas\u0131n\u0131n manivelas\u0131 gibi kullanabilirlerdi. R\u0131zk\u0131n\u0131 zor \u00e7\u0131karan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck memuru, ayd\u0131n\u0131, sermayeye hara\u00e7 vermek \u00fczere tasarruf bonosu ile yaralamayabilirlerdi.\u201d
\u0130\u015fte, \u201cY\u00f6n\u201dc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe y\u00f6neltilen b\u00fct\u00fcn ele\u015ftirilerin, devlet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 tekrarlan\u0131p duran Marksist \u00f6nermelerin hepsinin bir yana at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, unutuldu\u011fu, ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 nokta buras\u0131d\u0131r. Dr. H. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f pusulas\u0131, derlet ve devrim teorisi, gibi \u201c\u015fa\u015fmaz devrimci do\u011frular\u0131\u201d, bir kenara b\u0131rakarak, 27 May\u0131s askeri darbesini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren subaylardan, demokratik bir halk devriminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilece\u011fi bir program\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131 bekleyebilmekte, bunun ko\u015fulu olarak da, darbeci ordunun \u201c\u00e7ar\u0131kl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, h\u0131rpani i\u015f\u00e7ilere\u201d dayanmay\u0131 se\u00e7mesinin olankl\u0131 ve yeterli olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedir.
Bu nokta, ayn\u0131 zamanda, onun de\u011fi\u015fik teorik ve pratik yanlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etti\u011fi TKP\u2019nin ve \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn sonunda derin a\u00e7mazlar\u0131n\u0131 keyfetmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Sovyet revizyonizminin temel tezleriyle bulu\u015ftu\u011fu noktad\u0131r. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bir yandan, o d\u00f6nemde b\u00fct\u00fcn Ortado\u011fu, Afrika ve Asya \u00dclkeleri \u0130\u00e7in SSCB-KP\u2019nin yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cKapitalist olmayan yoldan kalk\u0131nma\u201d teorisinin k\u0131lavuzlu\u011funda bu sonu\u00e7lara ula\u015fmaktad\u0131r, di\u011fer yandan, bizzat kendisine ait olan \u201cTarih tezinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

27 MAYIS GER\u00c7E\u011e\u0130<\/strong>
Demokrat Parti\u2019nin on y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde, \u00f6zellikle 1957 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra, a\u011f\u0131r bir siyasi ve ekonomik bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nan halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n muhalefeti, esas olarak \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn liderli\u011fini yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi ekseninde toparlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201cTek Parti, Tek \u015eef\u2019 fa\u015fizminin b\u00fct\u00fcn an\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n halk haf\u0131zas\u0131nda canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, DP d\u00f6neminde de fa\u015fizmin temel ekonomik ve siyasal prati\u011finde de\u011fi\u015fen bir \u015feyin olmamas\u0131, \u00fcstelik bu uygulamalar\u0131n \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019y\u00fc \u015fahsen de hedef alan bir \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fc kazanmas\u0131, DP iktidar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 CHP \u00f6nderli\u011findeki muhalefetin kitleselle\u015fmesine, kitle g\u00f6sterileriyle dile getirilmesine zemin haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f, vesile te\u015fkil etmi\u015fti. Elbette, gerek muhalefetin i\u00e7eri\u011fi gerekse bu muhalefete bi\u00e7im ve y\u00f6n veren siyasal hareketin genel karakteri ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6z\u00fc, DP\u2019nin uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 politikalar\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011finden, DP\u2019nin genel karakterinden ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6z\u00fcnden farkl\u0131 de\u011fildi. Komprador tekelci burjuvazinin ve toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n egemen oldu\u011fu Parti yap\u0131lar\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn pratik politikalar\u0131yla, bu iki parti, birbirinin tamamen ayn\u0131s\u0131 olarak \u015fekillenmi\u015fti. Bir farkla ki, CHP, \u201cKurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6neten ve devleti kuran parti\u201d olmak gibi, devlet b\u00fcrokrasisi i\u00e7inde en etkili ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olma konumunu s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, DP, \u201csivil iktidar\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Her iki parti de, Amerikan emperyalizmine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131kta ve kom\u00fcnizm d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir di\u011ferinden geride kalm\u0131yor, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 politikalar\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve uygulanmas\u0131nda aralar\u0131nda hi\u00e7 bir fark bulunmuyordu.
DP iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde, enflasyonist ekonomi politikas\u0131n\u0131n sonucu olarak, \u201ck\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn ve i\u015f\u00e7inin cebi para g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u201d propagandas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte hakl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karacak bir genel durum ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f, yollar, limanlar, barajlar gibi \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131na yap\u0131lan yat\u0131r\u0131mlarda art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu iki geli\u015fme, emperyalist sermayenin geni\u015fletilmi\u015f yeniden \u00fcretiminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilmesi i\u00e7in zorunlu olan ekonomik politikalar\u0131n sonucuydu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra, Amerikan emperyalizmi ile giri\u015filen ili\u015fkilerin yeni ve \u00e7ok y\u00fcksek boyutu, hangi parti siyasi iktidar\u0131 elinde tutuyor olursa olsun, ayn\u0131 yolu izlemeyi zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yordu. Bu politikalar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cekonomik kalk\u0131nma\u201d izlenimi, DP ve onun ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Adnan Menderes i\u00e7in, geni\u015f halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131nda sempati do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ne var ki, izlenen ekonomi politikas\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6rece k\u0131sa bir vadede yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 refah aldanmas\u0131 sona ermi\u015f ve derin bir yoksulla\u015fma s\u00fcreci ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Buna kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fen muhalefetin siyasal ifade kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7meyi ama\u00e7layan uygulamalar, bu arada \u015fiddetli anti-kom\u00fcnizm, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme yasa\u011f\u0131, bas\u0131n \u00fczerindeki \u015fiddetli sans\u00fcr, genel bir \u201ch\u00fcrriyet m\u00fccadelesi\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 da beraberinde geli\u015ftiriyordu. Bu noktada, CHP uygulanan yasaklamalar\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca hedefi gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnme \u015fans\u0131n\u0131 da kullanarak, \u201cCHP H\u00fcrriyet m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6nderi\u201d imaj\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde, a\u011f\u0131r illegalite ko\u015fullar\u0131nda m\u00fccadeleyi ilerletemeyen ve Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n deyimiyle \u201cbildiri da\u011f\u0131tma-tevkifat-beyanname da\u011f\u0131tma-tevkifat d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc\u201dnden \u00f6tesini ba\u015faramayan TKP, Do\u011fu Almanya\u2019dan yay\u0131n yapan \u201cBizim Radyo\u201d d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda sesini duyuram\u0131yor, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin gereklerinin hi\u00e7 birini yapm\u0131yordu. \u201cBizim Radyo\u201dnun yay\u0131nlar\u0131 ise, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn bir par\u00e7as\u0131 halinde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in, eninde sonunda CHP\u2019nin propagandas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor, CHP\u2019nin muhalefetinin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesine hizmet ediyordu.
Ekonomik ve siyasi bunal\u0131m\u0131 kendi siyasal hedefleriyle birle\u015ftirmeye ba\u015flayan CHP\u2019nin kapat\u0131lmak istenmesi ve TBMM\u2019de buna ili\u015fkin bir soru\u015fturma komisyonunun kurularak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131, CHP\u2019nin kendi arkas\u0131nda toplanan b\u00fct\u00fcn muhalefeti eyleme s\u00fcr\u00fcklemesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle \u00fcniversite gen\u00e7li\u011finin enerjisini ve muhalif niteli\u011fini harekete ge\u00e7irme ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131, genel olarak kamuoyunda, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkenin ve halk\u0131n DP iktidar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanma i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi.
27 May\u0131s darbesi, bir yandan bu hareketlili\u011fi kendileri i\u00e7in bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren ve b\u00fct\u00fcn programlar\u0131 soyut olarak \u201cvatan\u0131 kurtarmak\u201d diye \u00f6zetlenebilen ve asl\u0131nda iktidar\u0131 DP\u2019den al\u0131p CHP\u2019ye devretmekten ibaret olan gen\u00e7 subaylar\u0131n giri\u015fimi ile ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, esas olarak bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcden korkuya kap\u0131lan emperyalizmin planlar\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi bir \u201cdevlet operasyonu\u201d olarak devam edip nitelik kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
Bu operasyonunun ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki hedefi vard\u0131r: Birincisi, kontrolden \u00e7\u0131kmakta olan i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk muhalefetini sistemin kanallar\u0131 i\u00e7ine oturtmak, bunun i\u00e7in belli bir \u201cdemokratikle\u015fme\u201d program\u0131 uygulayarak sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve grev hakk\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 da dahil i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u201cnefes alma yollar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7mak\u201d; ikincisi ordu i\u00e7inde ba\u015f veren e\u011filimleri denetim alt\u0131na alarak, \u00f6rnekleri Irak, Suriye, M\u0131s\u0131r gibi \u00fclkelerde g\u00f6r\u00fclen ve esas olarak Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131na yarayan \u201cilerici askeri darbeler\u201d zincirinin yeni bir halka kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir devlet ve emperyalizm operasyonu olarak 27 May\u0131s<\/strong>
Bir devlet ve emperyalizm operasyonu olarak 27 May\u0131s, bu bak\u0131mdan kendi gerici\/kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci hedefleri do\u011frultusunda ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmu\u015ftur; ama yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel kesit ve bir halk muhalefetinin dalgas\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcnde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, emperyalizm ve tekelci burjuvazi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan uzun vadeli problemler de yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu operasyon, kendi ba\u015fl\u0131ca hedeflerine do\u011fru ilerlerken, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, halk muhalefetinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u015fiarlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cresmen kabul etmi\u015f\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnmekten de ka\u00e7\u0131namazd\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden, 27 May\u0131s Anayasas\u0131 denilen siyasi belge, \u201chalkla yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir uzla\u015fma\u201d gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Toprak reformu, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fmeli-grevli sendikalar\u0131n kurulmas\u0131, DP iktidar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 aya\u011fa kalkan y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca talepleriydi ve DP\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lan bir hareketin bu talepleri g\u00f6rmezlikten gelmesi imk\u00e2n\u0131 yoktu. Bu taleplerin Anayasa d\u00fczeyinde ifade edilebilmi\u015f olmas\u0131 da, 27 May\u0131s\u2019a verilen ayd\u0131n deste\u011finin bir sonucuydu. DP iktidar\u0131 ile \u00fcniversiteler aras\u0131nda meydana gelen kopukluk ve kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k, \u201c\u00d6zerk \u00dcniversite\u201d slogan\u0131 alt\u0131nda birle\u015fen \u00fcniversitelere, ba\u015fl\u0131ca Anayasa Profes\u00f6rlerine \u201cAnayasa\u2019y\u0131 yapma yetkisi\u201d verilmesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu da, \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frencilerinin m\u00fccadelesinde sloganla\u015fan kimi taleplerin Anayasa\u2019ya girmesinin kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ne var ki, s\u00f6z konusu Anayasa, daima bir g\u00f6steri\u015f belgesi olarak kalm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6zellikle \u201cdemokratik hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler getirdi\u011fi\u201d s\u00f6ylenen maddeleri, T\u00fcrk Ceza Kanunu\u2019nun pratik i\u015flerli\u011fe sahip ve hi\u00e7 de g\u00f6stermelik olmayan g\u00fcc\u00fcyle ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131l\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak, s\u00f6z konusu hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin g\u00f6stermelik de olsa anayasa d\u00fczeyinde ifade edilmi\u015f olmalar\u0131, egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, Devletin temel niteli\u011fi hakk\u0131nda daima rahats\u0131zl\u0131k yaratan bir \u00e7eli\u015fmeyi ifade etmi\u015f, egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar ve y\u00fcksek devlet b\u00fcrokrasisi, 1961 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi talebini daima g\u00fcndemde tutmu\u015f, bunu ba\u015farmak i\u00e7in de iki askeri darbenin, 12 Mart 1971 ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 fa\u015fist darbelerinin g\u00fcc\u00fcnden yararlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
27 May\u0131s Anayasas\u0131\u2019na \u201cilerici ve demokratik\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc veren, onun ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda rol oynayan halk kitlelerinin muhalefet \u015fiarlar\u0131n\u0131n Anayasa\u2019ya yans\u0131m\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ne var ki, Anayasa\u2019da yer alan bu maddeler, hi\u00e7 bir zaman devletin esas karakterinde demokratikle\u015fme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k d\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015f, aksine, 27 May\u0131s Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n, devlet \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u015femas\u0131nda o zamana kadar yer almayan baz\u0131 yeni fa\u015fist kurumlar\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na ve devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n y\u00f6netilen kitleler aleyhine peki\u015ftirilmesine zemin haz\u0131rlayan y\u00f6nleri, daima en geni\u015f ve etkili bi\u00e7imde hayata ge\u00e7irilmi\u015ftir. Anayasa Mahkemesi, \u00c7ift Meclisli Parlamento (\u201cOkumu\u015flar meclisi\u201d- Senato), gibi, burjuva demokratik se\u00e7im ilkesinin dahi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131ran kurumlar, Ordu\u2019nun darbe yapma hakk\u0131 bulundu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade eden Giri\u015f B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bi\u00e7imsel eksikliklerinin giderilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde a\u00e7\u0131k katk\u0131lar getirmi\u015f, sonraki darbelerin burjuva siyaset zemininde me\u015fruiyet kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
B\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00f6zellikler, \u00f6zellikle DP d\u00f6nemi fa\u015fizminin a\u011f\u0131r bask\u0131s\u0131ndan kurtulma duygusu i\u00e7indeki y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar ve ayd\u0131nlar taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6r\u00fclememi\u015f, daha \u00e7ok g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f bulunan hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin, 27 May\u0131s darbesinin karakteri olarak alg\u0131lanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, grev ve lokavt yasas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, grev hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in y\u0131llard\u0131r m\u00fccadele eden ve sonunda y\u00fcz binlerce kat\u0131l\u0131mla b\u00fcy\u00fck Sara\u00e7hane g\u00f6sterisini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc ve etkisi g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu yasan\u0131n burjuvaziye lokavt sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in hak tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmi\u015f ve bu yasan\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Anayasa\u2019ya dayand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, ba\u015fl\u0131ca bir \u201c27 May\u0131s hareketinin getirdi\u011fi demokratik kazan\u00e7\u201d, \u201cOrdunun \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi ilerici ad\u0131m\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirilerek olumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da, b\u00fct\u00fcn teorik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda dilinden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmedi\u011fi \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n, bu konuyu ele al\u0131\u015fta bir i\u015fe yaramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. Ona g\u00f6re, 27 May\u0131s \u201cilericili\u011finin\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131ca sebebi \u201cOrdu\u201dnun \u201ctarihsel gelenekleri\u201ddir. O, Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n \u201chak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler getiren\u201d maddelerinin arkas\u0131nda, halk\u0131n ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerilemeyi de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti Silahl\u0131 Kuvvetlerinin \u201ctarihsel geleneklerini\u201d   g\u00f6rmektedir.
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Ordunun 27 May\u0131s\u2019taki \u201cilerici\u201d rol\u00fc, rastlant\u0131sal ve ge\u00e7ici bir \u00f6zellik de\u011fildir. 12 Mart Askeri darbesinden hemen \u00f6nceki bir d\u00f6nemde yay\u0131nlanan \u201cHalk Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n Planlar\u0131\u201d adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda, bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u015f\u00f6yle ifade etmektedir:
\u201cT\u00fcrkiye tarihinde hemen her devrim, ordu taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d
\u201cOrdu: hep d\u00fczenlice ileri devrimci aksiyon vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc olmu\u015ftur ve olmaktad\u0131r.\u201d
\u201cOrtada, geri \u00fclkelerin ekonomik ve sosyal gidi\u015fimde \u00e7\u0131kmaza girmi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fki-\u00e7eli\u015fkilerini \u00e7\u0131kmazdan kurtar\u0131p zembere\u011finden bo\u015fand\u0131ran bir ger\u00e7ek Vurucu G\u00fc\u00e7 vard\u0131r.
\u201cBu vurucu g\u00fc\u00e7, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yak\u0131n tarihinde, olumlu modern geli\u015fim y\u00f6n\u00fcnde etkin oldu ve oluyor. Bir avu\u00e7 finans-kapital kodaman\u0131, Antika tefeci bezirg\u00e2n s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile el ele verip memleketi korkun\u00e7 bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ile satmaya kalk\u0131\u015ft\u0131 m\u0131yd\u0131, vurucu g\u00fc\u00e7lerimiz halk\u2019tan yana \u00e7\u0131karak o gidi\u015fi g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcslemekten geri kalm\u0131yor. O zaman, Finans-Kapital+Tefeci Bezirgan ittifak\u0131 tezine kar\u015f\u0131 geleneksel ileri vurucu  g\u00fc\u00e7lerin halkla ittifak\u0131 anti-tezi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyor.\u201d (age. s. 187)
Kolayca g\u00f6r\u00fclebilece\u011fi gibi, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, Ordu\u2019yu, \u201cFinans-kapital, tefeci bezirg\u00e2n\u201d ittifak\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, hatta kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00f6rmektedir. \u00d6yle ki, ordu, egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda olmakla da kalm\u0131yor, bu kar\u015f\u0131 duru\u015fu, \u201cbalk\u0131n yan\u0131nda\u201d yer alarak peki\u015ftiriyor! Bizim, yani halk\u0131n, \u201cvurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcm\u00fcz\u201d oluyor!
Silahl\u0131 Kuvvetlerin T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin siyasi tarihinde tuttu\u011fu yer, 12 Mart ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbeleriyle a\u00e7\u0131k olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, bu tarihi d\u00f6neme\u00e7lerden sonra, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hemen hemen hi\u00e7 kimse, \u201cOrdunun ilerici rol\u00fc, halktan yanal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d gibi teorileri ileri s\u00fcrmeye cesaret edememi\u015ftir. Ne var ki, \u00f6zellikle DP fa\u015fizmine kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fckselen halk muhalefetinin \u201cdo\u011fal m\u00fcttefiki\u201d gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen 27 May\u0131s askeri darbesinin sonras\u0131nda, bir yandan da halk\u0131n ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcne inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131ktan kaynaklanan ayd\u0131nca bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla, ordunun toplumsal hayattaki yeri ve konumu \u00fczerine yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 ve yanl\u0131\u015f pek \u00e7ok g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, Marksizm\u2019in s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi teorisi ve devlet teorisi ile \u00e7eli\u015fip \u00e7eli\u015fmedi\u011fine bak\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n, \u201csosyalistler\u201d ve \u201ckom\u00fcnistler\u201d taraf\u0131ndan da ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilmi\u015ftir. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin \u00f6zellikle TKP gelene\u011finden gelen ayd\u0131nlarca ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde, halk\u0131n ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n hareketine g\u00fcvenmek ve onun \u00fczerine hesap yapmaktan \u00e7ok, egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fmelere ve egemen s\u0131n\u0131f kliklerinden birine bel ba\u011flama al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n rol\u00fc belirleyicidir. Bu anlay\u0131\u015f, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yukar\u0131da aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z s\u00f6zlerine a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00e7imde yans\u0131maktad\u0131r. Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, Dr. H. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan ve bu m\u00fccadeleye yol a\u00e7an kapitalist \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcnden emin de\u011fildir. Tarihin ilerleyi\u015fini, nesnel-maddi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin ilerleyi\u015fi haline getiren bu hareket, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n analizinde, bir \u201cvurucu g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d hareketine indirgenmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, sosyal hareketin ve s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin tarihsel zorunluluklardan do\u011fdu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi bir yana itilmekte, yukar\u0131dan bir askeri darbe ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclecek bir sorun olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Yukar\u0131da aktard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z de\u011ferlendirme de bunun bir sonucudur: \u201c27 May\u0131s devrimcileri, sabah namaz\u0131ndan sonra kimseyi soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kartmayacaklar\u0131na, halka g\u00fcvenebilir, \u00e7ar\u0131kl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn yan\u0131na gitmenin b\u00fct\u00fcn yollar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7abilirlerdi.
\u201cH\u0131rpani i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini, Amerika\u2019dan, milyon sa\u011flayan sendika gangsterlerinden kurtarabilirlerdi. Ekonomik kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n manivelas\u0131 gibi kullanabilirlerdi. R\u0131zk\u0131n\u0131 zor \u00e7\u0131karan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck memuru, ayd\u0131n\u0131, sermayeye hara\u00e7 vermek \u00fczere tasarruf bonosu ile yaralamayabilirlerdi.\u201d
Ku\u015fkusuz, buradaki tespit, \u201cvurucu g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d kavram\u0131yla da \u00e7eli\u015fmektedir. E\u011fer ordu, ger\u00e7ekten halk\u0131n vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcyse, neden bir de ayr\u0131ca halk\u0131n yan\u0131na gitmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6zel bir politikayla donanmas\u0131 gereksin? Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131n\u0131n askeri hareketin, bir \u201cekonomik kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131\u201d ba\u015flatmak istedi\u011finden emin oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ama ordu, bu hareketi halk ad\u0131na yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmemektedir! K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bu noktada, orduya asl\u0131nda kendisinin halk\u0131n vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc oldu\u011funu anlatmay\u0131 misyon edinmektedir.
Bir ba\u015fka yerde, Dr. H. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, ordunun bir sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ama sosyal devrimlerde vurucu g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak rol oynayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. B\u00f6ylece, bir yandan, devlet \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn bir par\u00e7as\u0131, giderek T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin temel kurumu olan ordu, ger\u00e7ekten oldu\u011fu gibi g\u00f6sterilir: bir sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f de\u011fildir. Ama K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bunu \u00f6zel bir ama\u00e7la s\u00f6yler: ger\u00e7ekte bir sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f olmay\u0131\u015f \u00f6zelli\u011fi, s\u0131n\u0131flardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k anlam\u0131 kazan\u0131r. Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, ordunun bir sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011finden, onun s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ve \u00fcst\u00fcnde bir yerde durdu\u011fu sonucunu \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. Ama \u00f6te yandan, bir sosyal devrimin vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak mutlak bir rolle donat\u0131l\u0131r. Bunun nedenini, Dr. Hikmet \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klar: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye Osmanl\u0131 g\u00f6reneklerinden kalma en \u00f6nemli ve en orijinal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fimizdir bu.\u201d
Ordu, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun kurulu\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131ndan y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131na kadar ge\u00e7en alt\u0131 y\u00fcz y\u0131l boyunca, bu gelene\u011fe g\u00f6re ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131p T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti kurulduktan sonra da bu \u00f6zelli\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015f, ge\u00e7en elli y\u0131l boyunca gene o ilk niteliklerinin devam\u0131 olarak ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r!
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, ordunun ve kurum olarak devletin egemen s\u0131n\u0131flarla ili\u015fkisine dair Leninist teoriyi bilmez de\u011fildir. Fakat buna ra\u011fmen, bu kadar a\u011f\u0131r bir gaf\u0131 yapabilmektedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 i\u00e7in belirleyici olan, Marksizm-Leninizm\u2019in temel tezleri ve teorisi de\u011fildir. O, kendi geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi tarih yorumunu ve tarih tezini bunlardan daha belirleyici g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTAR\u0130H, DEVR\u0130M, SOSYAL\u0130ZM\u201d K\u0130TABINDA  SINIFSIZ DEVLET, SINIF M\u00dcCADELES\u0130N\u0130N DI\u015eLANDI\u011eI B\u0130R TAR\u0130H YAZIMI<\/strong>
Dr. H. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n temel eseri, \u201cTarih Devrim ve Sosyalizm\u201d, onun cezaevinde ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi y\u0131llar\u0131n en \u00f6nemli \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinden birisidir. Bu eser, T\u00fcrkiye ger\u00e7e\u011fini anlamak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00f6zg\u00fc devrim yolunu tespit etmek ve g\u00fcndelik politikalara \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutmak \u00fczere d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bir \u201cba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 tezleri\u201d toplam\u0131d\u0131r. Gerek partinin i\u00e7 i\u015fleyi\u015fine, gerekse taktik ve strateji sorunlar\u0131na ili\u015fkin b\u00fct\u00fcn tart\u0131\u015fmalarda, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131n\u0131 ve iddialar\u0131n\u0131n odakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 noktay\u0131 tayin eden, bu eserde ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011fu tezlerdir. Eser, evrenin olu\u015fumunu, g\u00fcne\u015f sisteminin ve bu sistem i\u00e7inde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n olu\u015fumunu \u00f6zetleyen ve \u00f6zellikle de yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn jeolojik evrimini belirli \u201cdevrim a\u015famalar\u0131yla\u201d a\u00e7\u0131klamaya y\u00f6nelen uzunca bir b\u00f6l\u00fcmle ba\u015flar.
Daha sonraki b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerde, yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn olu\u015fumu ile toplumlar\u0131n olu\u015fum ve geli\u015fim s\u00fcre\u00e7leri aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lacak analojiler i\u00e7in bu b\u00f6l\u00fcm giri\u015f \u00f6zelli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Daha sonra, vah\u015fet \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 ve barbarl\u0131k \u00fczerine ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclecek olan tezler, yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn olu\u015fumuyla benzerlikler i\u00e7inde anlat\u0131lacakt\u0131r.
Kitab\u0131n konumuz bak\u0131m\u0131ndan en \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, barbarl\u0131k d\u00f6neminde, toplumsal  \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin esas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil eden \u201caskeri demokrasinin ve Barbarl\u0131k \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda ya\u015fayan toplumlar\u0131n sahip oldu\u011fu ahl\u00e2k\u0131n incelendi\u011fi b\u00f6l\u00fcmd\u00fcr, Bu noktada, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, asl\u0131nda Engels\u2019in \u201cAilenin, \u00d6zel M\u00fclkiyetin ve Devletin K\u00f6keni\u201d adl\u0131 eserinde inceledi\u011fi bir olguyu, tarihten derledi\u011fi \u00f6rneklerle kaleme alman\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7mi\u015f de\u011fildir.
Orijinal tez ve yanda\u015flar\u0131nca \u201cMarksizm\u2019e katk\u0131\u201d olarak reklam edilen teze g\u00f6re ise, k\u00f6leci devletler ve uygarl\u0131klar, kendi i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fmeleri sonucunda de\u011fil, d\u0131\u015f bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturan barbar y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131rlar. Barbarlar, b\u00f6ylece tarihte devrimci bir rol oynarlar. Barbar \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi, devletin var oldu\u011fu, ama s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve bask\u0131n\u0131n bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imidir. Toplumda tam bir bar\u0131\u015f h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrmektedir, devletin ordusu, kendisini halk i\u00e7in feda etmeye haz\u0131r bir kurulu\u015ftur ve asl\u0131nda halk\u0131n kendisinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Padi\u015fah da, ordu gibi, halk\u0131n emrindedir. (Tarih, Devrim, Sosyalizm, s.185-37)
Barbarl\u0131\u011fa yap\u0131lan bu \u00f6vg\u00fcler, bu toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminin baz\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerinin abart\u0131lmas\u0131na dayan\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ile T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti ordular\u0131na yak\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan devrimci gelenek de, bu abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00f6zelliklerin temel karakteristikler gibi g\u00f6sterilmesine dayand\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.
Bu bir yana, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun kurulu\u015funa esas te\u015fkil eden kurumla\u015fmalar da, barbarl\u0131k \u00f6zelliklerinin bir devam\u0131 de\u011fildin Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funa giden s\u00fcre\u00e7te, g\u00f6\u00e7ebe \u00f6zellikleri ve barbarl\u0131k d\u00f6neminin \u00f6zellikleri \u00e7oktan yitirilmi\u015f bulunuyordu. Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn bilimsel e\u011fitimine, Marksizm\u2019le olan ili\u015fkisine ra\u011fmen, Nam\u0131k Kemal\u2019in \u201cSava\u015fkan bir devlet yaratt\u0131k bir a\u015firetten\u201d \u015feklindeki m\u0131sra\u0131nda ifade edilen i\u00e7i bo\u015f \u00f6v\u00fcnmeyi do\u011fru kabul etmi\u015f gibidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

OSMANLI \u0130MPARATORLU\u011eU \u00dcZER\u0130NE TEZLER:<\/strong>
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019ya g\u00f6re, Osmanl\u0131 toprak d\u00fczeni, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyete dayanm\u0131yordu ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu m\u00fclkiyetin yaratabilece\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131flardan ve s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan da uzaktayd\u0131. Bu s\u00f6zler, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca barbarl\u0131k d\u00f6nemine ili\u015fkin olarak olumlu \u00f6zellikler bulup y\u00fcceltmekle kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, k\u0131talararas\u0131 bir imparatorluk olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen Osmanl\u0131 devletinin de, y\u00fcceltilmesi-ne kadar uzand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir.
Ger\u00e7ekte Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ndaki b\u00fct\u00fcn di\u011fer imparatorluklar gibi, \u00fcretim ve y\u00f6netim i\u015flevlerinin s\u0131n\u0131flara b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f toplumsal yap\u0131lar \u00fczerinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi bir siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeydi. Bu imparatorluk, daha kurulu\u015f a\u015famas\u0131nda, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, yak\u0131n iktisadi ve siyasi ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu Bizans \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun temel kurulu\u015f bi\u00e7imlerinden etkilenmi\u015f, toprak \u00fczerinde \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin geli\u015fmesine, toplumun feodalle\u015fmesine, feodal ili\u015fkiler \u00fczerinde keskinle\u015fen s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n derinle\u015fmesine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k d\u00fc\u015fen bir kurulu\u015f s\u00fcreci ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir. Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015funa kadar ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fmeler ve geli\u015fmeler bir yana, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun kurulu\u015funa zemin haz\u0131rlayan daha ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7taki ili\u015fkiler bile, yeterince s\u0131n\u0131f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7eriyordu. Osmanl\u0131 Devleti\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi ve s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmesi, ayn\u0131 zamanda devletin temel nizam\u0131n\u0131n, yani merkezi feodalitenin, geli\u015fip g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi anlam\u0131na geliyordu.
Bu kurulu\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda, bir hanedan\u0131n etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenmi\u015f bulunan y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, silah tekelini de elinde tuttu\u011fu, bir DEVLET organizasyonudur. Silah tekelini \u0130fade eden kurulu\u015f ise, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya \u201cORDU\u201ddur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bir halk ordusu olarak tahayy\u00fcl etti\u011fi bu kurum, bir devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin temel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 gere\u011fi, bir s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak anlam bulmu\u015f ve halka-halklara kar\u015f\u0131 bir ezme ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc organ\u0131 halinde geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. Osmanl\u0131 ordusunun, bu haliyle g\u00f6\u00e7ebe toplum sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, \u201caskeri demokrasi\u201d gelene\u011finin bir devam\u0131 oldu\u011funu kabul etmeye imk\u00e2n yoktur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00f6\u00e7ebe toplumlarda ve onun siyasi bi\u00e7imi olan askeri demokraside, toplulu\u011fun t\u00fcm\u00fc, kad\u0131nlar d\u00e2hil, silahlanm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcr topluluklarda, silahs\u0131z birey, ancak cezaland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve tecrit edilmi\u015f bir topluluk \u00fcyesidir, ya da \u00e7ocuk veya ya\u015fl\u0131d\u0131r. Halk\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn silahl\u0131 oldu\u011fu bu toplum bi\u00e7iminde, silah tekelinin belli bir z\u00fcmre ya da s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn elinde olmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. Ordu ile halk ayn\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, ordunun gelenekleri ile halk\u0131n gelenekleri aras\u0131nda, ordunun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla halk\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda herhangi bir farkl\u0131la\u015fma bulunamaz. Oysa Osmanl\u0131 toplumunda, halk ve ordu aras\u0131nda, tam ve kesin bir kopu\u015f bulunuyordu ve Osmanl\u0131 ordusu, kurumla\u015fm\u0131\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011finin bir arac\u0131 olarak rol oynuyordu.
En az\u0131ndan, Osmanl\u0131 devletinin g\u00f6\u00e7ebe T\u00fcrkmen topluluklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sava\u015f, bu kurumla g\u00f6\u00e7ebe topluluklar\u0131n gelenekleri ve kurumlar\u0131yla Osmanl\u0131 imparatorlu\u011funun kurumlar\u0131 ve gelenekleri aras\u0131nda bir u\u00e7urum bulundu\u011funu g\u00f6rmeye yetebilir. \u201cFerman padi\u015fah\u0131n, da\u011flar bizimdir\u201d diye hayk\u0131ran g\u00f6\u00e7ebe T\u00fcrkmen Dadalo\u011flu\u2019nun, kendisine d\u00fc\u015fman g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc padi\u015fah, herhalde, g\u00f6\u00e7ebe geleneklerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren bir padi\u015fah de\u011fildi.
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, s\u00f6z konusu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 TKP y\u00f6netici kadrolar\u0131na tart\u0131\u015fmak \u00fczere sundu\u011fu zaman, Parti Genel Sekreteri \u015eefik H\u00fcsn\u00fc\u2019den, \u201cEyvah, Dr. Hikmet yoksa Nazi teorisine mi kay\u0131yor? Aman dikkat!\u201d gibi bir tepki ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatmaktad\u0131r. (Bkz. \u201cKim Su\u00e7lam\u0131\u015f? s.27)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ger\u00e7ekten de, bu tezin sonucunda var\u0131labilecek noktalardan birine, Alman Nazizmi, kendi i\u00e7inde varm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. Nazizm, Alman ordusunun, Germen kabile sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131 oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor, efsanevi barbar sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131yla kendi mekanize t\u00fcmenleri aras\u0131nda bir gelenek ba\u011f\u0131 kuruyordu. \u015eefik H\u00fcsn\u00fc, belki de Doktor\u2019un s\u00fcrekli muhalif konumundan hareket ederek, tezlere kar\u015f\u0131 olumsuz tav\u0131r tak\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; ama sonu\u00e7ta tespiti b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde hakl\u0131 endi\u015feleri ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

CUMHUR\u0130YET D\u00d6NEM\u0130 T\u00dcRK ORDUSUNA GENEL YAKLA\u015eIM<\/strong>
K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 Devlet kurulu\u015fu ve bunun s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yeri hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6yledikleriyle bu devlete ait ordu kurumu hakk\u0131ndaki analizi birbiriyle tutarl\u0131d\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekten e\u011fer Osmanl\u0131 devleti, \u201cFatih\u2019in son \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na dek\u201d, s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011filse, ordu da s\u0131n\u0131flar-\u00fcst\u00fc bir konumda bulunacakt\u0131r. Bu tez, yanl\u0131\u015f olmakla birlikte, kendi i\u00e7inde mant\u0131ksal bak\u0131mdan tutars\u0131z de\u011fildir.
Ne var ki, Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 toplumunun daha sonraki d\u00f6nemleri ve Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemi i\u00e7in ordunun toplumsal konumunu belirlerken, ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcy\u00fc kullanmaz. Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu, bir d\u00f6nemden sonra, onun i\u00e7in \u201cderebeyi devlet\u201dtir. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nde ise, devletin burjuvazinin, \u201cfinans-kapital ve tefeci bezirg\u00e2n ittifak\u0131n\u0131n\u201d devleti oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Bu devletin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n \u00fczerinde bir bask\u0131 ayg\u0131t\u0131 oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtir. Bizzat Kendisi, keskin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ortam\u0131nda boy vermi\u015f bir partinin militan\u0131 olarak ya\u015famakta, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ortam\u0131nda, kendi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, proletaryan\u0131n saf\u0131nda \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Devlet, Osmanl\u0131 imparatorlu\u011funda oldu\u011fu gibi, art\u0131k \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 lafla de\u011fil, fiilen kald\u0131ran\u201d dirlik d\u00fczeninin devleti de\u011fildir. \u201cDevlet, k\u0131sk\u0131vrak, finans kapitale ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131.\u201d (T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Kapitalizmin Geli\u015fimi, s. 60.) O halde, bu devletin kurumlar\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinde herhangi bir bi\u00e7imde, genel olarak halktan yana olmak bir yana, tarafs\u0131zl\u0131k beklemek bile, tutarl\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r. Ama Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bu durumda bile, devleti, ger\u00e7ekte tarafs\u0131z olmas\u0131 gerekirken burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan yolu sapt\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir kurum olarak de\u011ferlendirir. Ve \u00f6zellikle de ordu, devletten ayr\u0131 \u00f6zel bir kurum olarak ele al\u0131n\u0131r. \u201c\u00c7\u0131kmaza girmi\u015f devletin yapabilece\u011fi tek \u015fey, sermayeyi silahla korumakt\u0131. \u2026 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 silahl\u0131 kuvvetler y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc.\u201d (age. s. 60)
1960 y\u0131l\u0131 27 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131nda ise, Dr. H. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 i\u00e7in ordu, hangi s\u0131n\u0131fa dayanarak devrim yapaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilemedi\u011fi i\u00e7in yolunu \u015fa\u015f\u0131rm\u0131\u015f bir devrimciler grubudur. Ona hangi s\u0131n\u0131fla birle\u015fmesi gerekti\u011finin anlat\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekir; de\u011fil mi ki, ordu, halka hizmet ve b\u00fcy\u00fck reform yapmak istemektedir, ona, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla birle\u015fmesi gerekti\u011fi g\u00f6sterilirse e\u011fer, \u201cvurucu g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d olarak g\u00f6revini yerine getirebilir: \u201cKendisine: gel karde\u015fim, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumun ki\u015fi olarak her insan\u0131 az \u00e7ok a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k kompleksiyle hastad\u0131r. Burjuvalar da hastad\u0131rlar. Ama sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f olarak davrand\u0131lar m\u0131, birbirlerini k\u0131racaklar\u0131na s\u0131n\u0131f bilinciyle birle\u015firler ve toplumda kendilerine halka kar\u015f\u0131 yard\u0131mc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler ararlar ve bulurlar.
\u201cHalk da, o sizin tasavvur etti\u011finiz gibi yuvarlak ve her tanesi ayn\u0131 bir yumurta y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fildir. Halk i\u00e7inde burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 modern ve bilin\u00e7li olabilen bir s\u0131n\u0131f vard\u0131r: i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131.
\u201cE\u011fer ger\u00e7ekten \u2018halka hizmet\u2019 ve \u2018b\u00fcy\u00fck reform1 g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclecekse, o i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n manivelas\u0131na sar\u0131lmaktan ba\u015fka \u00e7\u0131kar yol yoktur denilse, ne kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k al\u0131n\u0131r?\u201d
Kukusuz, Dr. H. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n umdu\u011fu cevap al\u0131namazd\u0131. O, bir bak\u0131ma, ordunun b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131y\u0131 kendisine ula\u015ft\u0131ran, o bilinci kendisine g\u00f6t\u00fcren ki\u015fiye (partiye) \u201ciyi ki s\u00f6yledin, ben de bunu ar\u0131yordum\u201d diyerek hemen pe\u015finden gelebilece\u011fine saf\u00e7a inan\u0131yordu.
\u201c\u00c7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n zulme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ap\u0131, atla deve de\u011fildir. \u2018M\u0131s\u0131rdaki sa\u011f\u0131r sultan\u2019 (Binba\u015f\u0131 Abd\u00fcnnas\u0131r) bile duymu\u015ftur. O Sosyalizmdir. Yery\u00fcz\u00fcnden, melun zalimi kald\u0131rman\u0131n ad\u0131na, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131ldan beri sosyalizm denmi\u015ftir.
\u201cSosyalizmin bilimi \u00e7oktan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bizim \u2018aslanlar\u2019, i\u015fin bilimini derinle\u015ftirecek ne olanaklara ne zamana sahiptirler. Ba\u015fkan yapt\u0131klar\u0131 G\u00fcrsel Pa\u015fa\u2019ya: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye bir sosyalist parti gereklidir\u2019 dedirtebilmi\u015flerdi. Kim yapacakt\u0131 bunu? Belli de\u011fildi.\u201d (27 May\u0131s\u2026 s. 144)
\u00d6te yandan, ayn\u0131 darbe lideri G\u00fcrsel Pa\u015fa, T\u00fcrkiye \u00e7ap\u0131nda \u201cKom\u00fcnizmle M\u00fccadele Dernekleri\u201dnin fahri genel ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak konu\u015fabiliyor, en gerici sloganlar\u0131 rahat\u00e7a tekrarl\u0131yordu. Dr. Hikmet\u2019in bu \u00e7eli\u015fkileri do\u011fru \u00e7\u00f6zebilmesi i\u00e7in gerekli ko\u015fullar, bizzat kendi teorisi taraf\u0131ndan yok edilmi\u015f bulunuyordu. Ancak belli bir devrimci sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hareketinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselir ve dolays\u0131z olarak onun \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 halinde harekete kat\u0131l\u0131rlarsa devrimci rol oynayabilecek olan ordudaki devrimci- demokrat, hatta kom\u00fcnist subaylar\u0131n tek tek varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ordunun t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ve kurumsal \u00f6zelli\u011fi sayan teori, on dan devrimci at\u0131l\u0131m beklemekten kurtulamazd\u0131.
Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, ayn\u0131 sistemli hatay\u0131, 12 Mart darbesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda da tekrarlad\u0131. Kendisiyle ili\u015fkide olan devrimci gen\u00e7 subaylar\u0131, ordunun t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc temsil ediyorlarm\u0131\u015f gibi alg\u0131lad\u0131. Daha \u00f6tesi, onlar\u0131n devrimcili\u011fini, sosyalizme y\u00f6nelmi\u015f olmalar\u0131n\u0131, \u00fclke ve d\u00fcnya ko\u015fullar\u0131yla de\u011fil, ordunun devrimci bir gelene\u011fe sahip olmas\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klamaya giri\u015fti. Bu y\u00fczden, 12 Mart Muht\u0131ras\u0131 verildi\u011finde, bu askeri darbe hareketini, burjuvazinin meclisi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve kendisinden herhangi ciddi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm do\u011fmayaca\u011f\u0131na inand\u0131\u011f\u0131 TBMM\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 bir hareket olarak de\u011ferlendirdi ve destekledi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

KAP\u0130TAL\u0130ST OLMAYAN YOLDAN KALKINMA YOLU TEOR\u0130S\u0130<\/strong>
Doktor Hikmet\u2019i yan\u0131ltan ikinci teorik etki, kayna\u011f\u0131 Sovyet Revizyonizmi olan \u201cKapitalist Olmayan Yoldan Kalk\u0131nma\u201d kavram\u0131 ekseninde form\u00fcle edilen genel tutum ve d\u0131\u015f politikayd\u0131. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi, Amerikan emperyalizminin kendisini g\u00fcneyden \u0130slam \u00fclkeleri ile peki\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir gerici y\u00f6netimler ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ile tecrit etme \u00e7abas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, ayn\u0131 co\u011frafya \u00fczerinde, kendisine yak\u0131n rejimler kurmak \u00fczere faaliyet g\u00f6steriyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 \u201cKapitalist Olmayan Yoldan Kalk\u0131nma\u201d denilen bu siyasal model, \u00f6zellikle Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki \u00e7e\u015fitli Arap \u00fclkelerindeki BAAS (B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K ARAP SOSYAL\u0130ST PART\u0130S\u0130) hareketinde ifadesini bulan milliyet\u00e7i programlar\u0131 desteklemek ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ne ba\u011fl\u0131 k\u0131lmak amac\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcd\u00fcyordu. S\u00f6zde, bu yol \u201ckapitalizmin k\u00f6t\u00fcc\u00fcl sak\u0131ncalar\u0131ndan\u201d ar\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, ama sosyalist de olmayan bir \u201cara ge\u00e7i\u015f bi\u00e7imi\u201d \u00f6neriyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, bu tezlerden beslenen g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc bir yaz\u0131s\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu:
\u201cEn gerici ordu bile, iktidara gelince, finans kapitali devletle\u015ftiriyor\u2026 iktidarda kalmak i\u00e7in ne yapacak? Nereden gelir temin edecek? \u0130ster istemez ilerici bir rol oynuyor\u2026 D\u00fcnya ve \u00fclke \u015fartlar\u0131 onlar\u0131 buna itiyor.\u201d
Zaten Dr. Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131  TKP ve onun temel siyasi tezlerini hi\u00e7 bir zaman kom\u00fcnizm esasl\u0131 bir ele\u015ftiriden ge\u00e7irmemi\u015fti\u2026 TKP de Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131  da her ikisi de 27 May\u0131s Askeri darbesinden  \u201cKapitalist Olmayan Yoldan Kalk\u0131nma\u201d modeline uygun sonu\u00e7lar bekledikleri\u2026.. g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.
Dr, Hikmet\u2019in, 27 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131n hemen ertesinde kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c\u0130kinci Kuvay\u0131 Milliyecili\u011fimiz- Ekonomik Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc tamamen bu hedefe y\u00f6neliktir ve herhangi bir programdan yoksun bulunduklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc darbecileri etkileyerek onlar\u0131 demokratik bir mevziiye \u00e7ekme iste\u011fini ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Fakat bunu yaparken, kendi temel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinden vazge\u00e7meyi, Marksizm-Leninizm\u2019den kopmay\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halk\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan ve darbeler eliyle kurtar\u0131lacak bir y\u0131\u011f\u0131n halinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi i\u00e7ine sindirmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

SONU\u00c7<\/strong>
Ama bundan da trajik olan\u0131, Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 hayat\u0131n\u0131n son g\u00fcnlerinde, savundu\u011fu bu teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eveyle \u00e7eli\u015fmeyen, hatta bunun mant\u0131ksal sonucu diyebilece\u011fimiz bir tav\u0131rla, S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim Komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na bir teslimiyet mektubu yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tarih teziyle ba\u015flay\u0131p, Sovyet Revizyonizminin \u201cKapitalist Olmayan Kalk\u0131nma Yolu\u201d teorisinde kendisine genel bir pratik \u00e7er\u00e7eve bulan tarihsel uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, onun ge\u00e7mi\u015finde sayg\u0131yla an\u0131lmay\u0131 hak etmi\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fccadele anlar\u0131n\u0131 karartmaya yetmi\u015ftir, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, teorik birikimi ve verimi, direngen ve sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ki\u015fili\u011fi, ba\u011f\u0131ndan beri teorisinde karanl\u0131k bir leke gibi duran \u201cT\u00fcrk Ordusunun devrimci gelene\u011fi\u201d kavram\u0131na kurban gitmi\u015ftir. Bu derslerle dolu b\u00fcy\u00fck hayat\u0131n g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi temel ger\u00e7ek, herhalde \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlenebilir: S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin uzun ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcklerle dolu yolunda, ister bir parti olsun, isterse bir militan, b\u00fcy\u00fck ba\u015far\u0131lar, direni\u015fler ve kavgalar ve verimli bir teorik ya\u015fam ge\u00e7irmi\u015f olsa da, tarih\u00een yang\u0131s\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 en son noktayla an\u0131l\u0131rlar.
Bir devrimci, eninde sonunda, en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve en devrimci olan yanlar\u0131 kadar de\u011fil, kendi k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ve da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi son nokta kadar devrimcidir, kendi en zay\u0131f halkas\u0131 kadar devrimcidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Teorik ve Siyasi G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri Giri\u015f: EMEP ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Yolu dergisinden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bkz.   https:\/\/www.ozgurlukdunyasi.org\/2015\/03\/03\/gecmisten-bugune-turkiye-sol-hareketi-dr-hikmet-kivilcimli-ve-tkp-2-qyolqun-sonu\/ Derleyen Eyl\u00fcl Deniz K\u0131saltmalar bize aittir. Bu yaz\u0131da olduk\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz ve kan\u0131ts\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n  Brejnev \u00f6nderli\u011findeki SBKP\u2019nin \u201ckapitalist olmayan yoldan sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015f\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden etkilendi\u011fi tezi savunulmu\u015ftur. Yaz\u0131 Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 1960\u2019larda ve ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n son g\u00fcnlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini olumsuz y\u00f6nde […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[53,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6136","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi-tr","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6136","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6136"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6136\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6139,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6136\/revisions\/6139"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6136"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6136"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6136"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}