{"id":6546,"date":"2026-06-17T08:39:16","date_gmt":"2026-06-17T08:39:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6546"},"modified":"2026-06-17T08:39:17","modified_gmt":"2026-06-17T08:39:17","slug":"bir-vietnam-gezisinin-ardindan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/?p=6546","title":{"rendered":"Bir Vietnam Gezisinin Ard\u0131ndan"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Bir Vietnam Gezisinin Ard\u0131ndan<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Bu de\u011ferli yaz\u0131 Teori ve Politika Dergisi\u2019nden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r..<\/strong>.<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Yazan  Birol Din\u00e7el<\/strong><\/a><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

14 Haziran 2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

\u015e\u00fck\u00fcr ki ve nihayet, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck anti-emperyalist destan\u0131n\u0131n yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Vietnam topraklar\u0131nday\u0131m. Vietnam\u2019\u0131n bu y\u0131l 25 milyon yabanc\u0131 turisti a\u011f\u0131rlamas\u0131 bekleniyormu\u015f. Bu yabanc\u0131 turist a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde en dikkat \u00e7ekici pay\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00fclkelerin turistleri olu\u015fturuyor. Vietnam Turizm Ofisi\u2019nin verilerine g\u00f6re Avrupa \u00fclkelerinden \u00fc\u00e7 milyona yak\u0131n ki\u015fi, ABD\u2019den 850 bin ki\u015fi, Avustralya\u2019dan 550 bin ki\u015fi 2025 y\u0131l\u0131nda Vietnam\u2019\u0131 ziyaret etmi\u015f ve bu oran art\u0131\u015f trendindeymi\u015f.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcr D\u00fcnya\u2019n\u0131n M\u00fcltecileri Neden Vietnam\u2019a Ka\u00e7\u0131yor?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bat\u0131l\u0131lar, Vietnam\u2019da hayata nas\u0131l yeniden tutunduklar\u0131n\u0131 ve burada bulduklar\u0131 huzur ve mutlulu\u011fu yaln\u0131zca g\u00fcndelik sohbetlerde dile getirmekle kalm\u0131yor; ba\u015fta TikTok olmak \u00fczere sosyal medya mecralar\u0131 da bu deneyimleri anlatan say\u0131s\u0131z co\u015fkulu i\u00e7erikle dolup ta\u015f\u0131yor. Kendi \u00fclkelerinde s\u0131radan bir di\u015f tedavisi veya rutin bir tahlil i\u00e7in haftalarca s\u0131ra bekleyen ya da \u00f6zel sigorta \u015firketleriyle bo\u011fu\u015fmak zorunda kalan Bat\u0131l\u0131lar, Vietnam\u2019daki sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerine an\u0131nda ve son derece c\u00fczi bedellerle eri\u015febilmenin \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015f\u0131yor. Kendi \u015fehirlerinde maa\u015f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 vasat bir apartman dairesine ve niteliksiz g\u0131daya harcayan Bat\u0131l\u0131lar, Vietnam\u2019daki hayat\u0131n sadece \u201cucuz\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; hizmet kalitesinin kendi \u00fclkelerinden \u00e7ok daha y\u00fcksek ve insani oldu\u011funu itiraf ediyorlar\u2026.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam\u2019daki bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l ortam ve sosyal dayan\u0131\u015fma k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, kendi \u00fclkelerinde derin bir toplumsal \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcme, \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ve g\u00fcvensizlik hissi ya\u015fayan Bat\u0131l\u0131lar i\u00e7in adeta iyile\u015ftirici bir deneyime, bir terapiye, bir tedaviye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Neoliberalizmin yaralay\u0131p hasta etti\u011fi kitleler, sosyalizmin g\u00f6lgesine s\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131p insan\u0131n insana s\u0131\u011f\u0131nak oldu\u011fu bir toplumsal iklimde \u015fifa bulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u2018iyile\u015ftirici\u2019 toplumsal doku, Vietnam\u2019a ad\u0131m at\u0131lan ilk andan itibaren hissedilen; kaotik gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ancak kendi i\u00e7inde muazzam bir kom\u00fcnal ahenk bar\u0131nd\u0131ran g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam ritminde solunabiliyor. Vietnam\u2019da sosyalle\u015fme, Bat\u0131 metropollerindeki gibi yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f mek\u00e2nlar\u0131n ard\u0131na gizlenmiyor; do\u011frudan kamusal alana, soka\u011fa ta\u015fan organik bir prati\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Kafelerde sandalyelerin masaya de\u011fil, daima d\u0131\u015fa ve soka\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fck dizilmesi salt bir mimari tercih de\u011fil; insan\u0131n kendi kabu\u011funa \u00e7ekili\u015fini reddeden, ya\u015fama ve \u2018\u00f6tekine\u2019 a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 simgeleyen mek\u00e2nsal bir detay.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ve t\u00fcm bu ahengi sarmalayan o \u00e7elikten g\u00fcvenlik hissi\u2026 Bat\u0131 metropollerinin k\u0131lcal damarlar\u0131na kadar i\u015flemi\u015f o s\u00fcrekli \u201ctetikte olma\u201d halinin, o yorucu kent paranoyas\u0131n\u0131n Vietnam \u015fehirlerinde esamesi okunmuyor. Gecenin en \u0131ss\u0131z saatlerinde bile sokaklar hi\u00e7bir tedirginlik duymadan gezilebiliyor..<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu noktada Vietnam\u2019a merkez kapitalist \u00fclkelerden gelen yabanc\u0131 ziyaret\u00e7iler sars\u0131c\u0131 bir sosyal-psikolojik k\u0131r\u0131lma ya\u015f\u0131yor: \u00dczerindeki o i\u011freti \u2018turist\u2019 z\u0131rh\u0131 eriyip yerini derin bir ontolojik aidiyete b\u0131rak\u0131yor. \u00d6yle ki Bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00f6zne, insan\u0131n insana yurt oldu\u011fu bu kom\u00fcnal ahengi soluduk\u00e7a ac\u0131 bir ayd\u0131nlanmayla y\u00fczle\u015fiyor: Y\u0131llar boyu as\u0131l \u2018turistli\u011fi\u2019 ve yabanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 yurtta\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u00fclkesinin so\u011fuk ve yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f evreninde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark ediyor. Kapitalizmin yal\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 birey, \u2018aidiyet\u2019 denilen \u015feyin m\u00fch\u00fcrl\u00fc bir pasaportla de\u011fil; ancak soka\u011f\u0131n, g\u00fcvenin ve insan\u0131n insana kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 kom\u00fcnal bir zeminde in\u015fa edilebilece\u011fini idrak ediyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam Kapitalizme Teslim mi Oluyor?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Peki kapitalizmin enkaz\u0131ndan ka\u00e7anlara nefes ald\u0131ran bu iklim, Vietnam\u2019\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 pazar\u0131n yeni \u00fcretim \u00fcss\u00fcne \u00e7eviren kom\u00fcnist kadrolar\u0131n, kapitalizmi bizzat kapitalistlere kar\u015f\u0131 bir silah olarak kullanmas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucu olabilir mi? Vitrindeki \u015fatafatl\u0131 tabelalara bak\u0131p \u2018Vietnam da yenildi\u2019 ill\u00fczyonuna kap\u0131lan liberal Bat\u0131l\u0131 akl\u0131n g\u00f6remedi\u011fi \u015fey, bu toplumsal dokuyu ayakta tutan o maddi temel. Kamucu g\u00fcvenli\u011fin ve soka\u011f\u0131n canl\u0131 ritminin arkas\u0131nda, geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yenmek i\u00e7in k\u00fcresel sermayeyi kendi kurallar\u0131yla \u2018kiralayan\u2019 bir strateji var.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam; d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist g\u00fcc\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan \u00fczerine milyonlarca ton bomba ya\u011fd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, ormanlar\u0131 napalmla yak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, tar\u0131m arazileri zehirlenmi\u015f ve sava\u015ftan sonra da ac\u0131mas\u0131z ambargolarla bo\u011fulmak istenmi\u015f bir \u00fclkeydi. Vietnam Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin \u00f6nc\u00fc kadrolar\u0131, 1980\u2019lerin ortalar\u0131nda keskin bir tarihsel yol ayr\u0131m\u0131na geldi: \u00dclke, ya Kore Demokratik Halk Cumhuriyeti gibi yoksullukta e\u015fitlenen ve d\u00fcnyadan izole edilmi\u015f gururlu bir k\u0131\u015flaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecek; ya da \u00c7in Halk Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoldan ilerleyerek sosyalizmin maddi temellerini kurmak i\u00e7in zorunlu olan \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri h\u0131zla geli\u015ftirecekti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Partinin kurmay akl\u0131, uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist hareketin a\u011f\u0131r ve sanc\u0131l\u0131 bir krizden ge\u00e7ti\u011fi, SSCB\u2019de y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 Perestroyka-Glasnost r\u00fczg\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131n esti\u011fi o kritik d\u00f6neme\u00e7te dogmatizme saplanmad\u0131. \u2018Yoksullu\u011fun sosyalizmi olmaz\u2019 nesnel ger\u00e7e\u011finden hareketle, pragmatik de olsa cesur olan ikinci yolu se\u00e7ti. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc as\u0131l olan, her ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun kom\u00fcnizm bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yere d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmemesiydi. 1986\u2019da ba\u015flat\u0131lan Doi Moi (Yenilenme) hamlesi, Bat\u0131l\u0131 liberallerin g\u00f6rmeyi arzulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bir \u201ckapitalizme ge\u00e7i\u015f ve teslim olu\u015f\u201d de\u011fil; Lenin\u2019in 1920\u2019lerde sava\u015f yorgunu Sovyet Rusya\u2019y\u0131 aya\u011fa kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 NEP\u2019in (Yeni Ekonomi Politikas\u0131) 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l k\u00fcresel tedarik zincirleri ko\u015fullar\u0131na uyarlanm\u0131\u015f devasa ve karma\u015f\u0131k bir versiyonuydu. Marx\u2019\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, kom\u00fcnizm geri kalm\u0131\u015f bir feodalizm \u00fczerine de\u011fil, ancak en ileri teknolojik ve end\u00fcstriyel altyap\u0131 \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilebilirdi. Mademki bu teknoloji ve sermaye birikimi emperyalist-kapitalist merkezlerin elindeydi; o halde Vietnam bu sermayeyi \u00fclkesine \u00e7ekmeli, onun dinamizmini, bilgi birikimini ve yat\u0131r\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kendi sanayile\u015fmesi i\u00e7in kullanmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7in\u2019in \u2018D\u0131\u015fa A\u00e7\u0131lma ve Reform\u2018 s\u00fcrecinden Esinlenme<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam KP\u2019nin bu d\u00f6neme\u00e7teki en b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihsel avantaj\u0131, kendi yolunu s\u0131f\u0131rdan ve el yordam\u0131yla bulmak yerine, b\u00fcy\u00fck kom\u015fusu \u00c7in Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin (\u00c7KP) ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 son derece analitik bir mesafeden izleyebilmesi oldu. 1978\u2019de Deng Xiaoping liderli\u011finde ba\u015flayan \u00c7in\u2019in \u2018D\u0131\u015fa A\u00e7\u0131lma ve Reform\u2018 s\u00fcreci, Vietnam i\u00e7in adeta devasa bir ekonomi-politik laboratuvar i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc. VKP, \u00c7in\u2019in izinden giderek k\u00fcresel sermayeyi \u00fclkeye \u00e7ekmenin \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri nas\u0131l \u015fahland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc; ancak daha da \u00f6nemlisi, \u00c7KP\u2019nin aceleci ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahribat\u0131 ve \u00f6zellikle k\u0131r ile kent aras\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131lan o vah\u015fi e\u015fitsizlik u\u00e7urumlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok iyi okudu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Doi Moi, \u00c7in modelinin k\u00f6r\u00fc k\u00f6r\u00fcne bir kopyas\u0131 de\u011fildi\u2026.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam\u2019a kapitalist \u00fclkelerden akan sermaye ve serbestle\u015fen ticaret, asl\u0131nda devletin \u00fclkeyi aya\u011fa kald\u0131rmak ve \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri ileriye ta\u015f\u0131mak i\u00e7in yabanc\u0131 sermayeyi kendi kurallar\u0131yla \u2018kiralad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019 bir ge\u00e7i\u015f a\u015famas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. En nihayetinde \u2018m\u00fch\u00fcr kimdeyse S\u00fcleyman odur\u2019; Vietnam\u2019da m\u00fch\u00fcr mutlak surette Vietnam Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin elindedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam\u2019da sermaye, devlete egemen olan s\u0131n\u0131r tan\u0131maz bir efendi de\u011fil; partinin be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k planlar\u0131yla zapturapt alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, kamunun kat\u0131 kurallar\u0131yla vergilendirilmi\u015f ve \u00fclkenin elektriklendirilmesi, sanayile\u015fmesi ve \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerini ileriye ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan bir emir eridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nihayetinde, \u2018serbest piyasa\u2019 ill\u00fczyonuyla Vietnam sath\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcrce dola\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sanan k\u00fcresel sermaye, \u00f6n\u00fcne at\u0131lan k\u00e2r kemi\u011fiyle oyalan\u0131rken boynundaki uzun tasman\u0131n ucunun s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya Kom\u00fcnist Parti\u2019nin elinde oldu\u011funu fark edemeyen hevesli bir av k\u00f6pe\u011finden farks\u0131zd\u0131r. Tasman\u0131n ucu kom\u00fcnistlerin elinde oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, liberallerin \u2018Vietnam kapitalizme teslim oldu\u2019 diye kopard\u0131klar\u0131 zafer yaygaras\u0131 nafiledir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sermayenin Tasmas\u0131 Kimin Elinde?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam Kom\u00fcnist Partisi, Doi Moi reformlar\u0131 ile k\u00fcresel pazara entegre olurken muazzam bir k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 \u00e7izgi \u00e7ekmi\u015f; ekonominin ana damarlar\u0131n\u0131, yani komuta tepelerini asla sermayenin insaf\u0131na terk etmemi\u015ftir. Bunun en tipik \u00f6rne\u011fi topra\u011f\u0131n kendisidir. Vietnam\u2019da toprak \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyete konu olamaz; al\u0131n\u0131p sat\u0131lan ticari bir meta de\u011fildir. \u00dczerinde y\u00fckselen milyar dolarl\u0131k Samsung fabrikas\u0131 olsa bile, devletin mutlak \u00f6z mal\u0131d\u0131r. Kapitalist, o topra\u011f\u0131 ancak Parti\u2019nin belirledi\u011fi \u015fartlarda ve s\u00fcrede kiralayabilir. Anla\u015fma bozuldu\u011funda ya da devletin \u00f6ncelikleri de\u011fi\u015fti\u011finde, sermaye o topraktan s\u00f6k\u00fcl\u00fcp at\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sadece toprak de\u011fil; finans ve kredi da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m mekanizmalar\u0131 da bu \u00e7elik \u00e7ekirde\u011fin i\u00e7indedir. Kapitalizmin merkezlerinde, \u00f6rne\u011fin Wall Street\u2019te veya Londra\u2019da, dev finans tekelleri ve bankalar h\u00fck\u00fcmetlere politika dikte edip b\u00fct\u00fcn bir toplumu bor\u00e7la rehin al\u0131rken; Vietnam\u2019da bankac\u0131l\u0131k sistemi, enerji altyap\u0131s\u0131, telekom\u00fcnikasyon ve a\u011f\u0131r sanayi devletin tekelindedir. Vietnam\u2019da bankalar, serbest piyasa kumarhanesinin patronlar\u0131 de\u011fil; devletin be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k sanayile\u015fme hedeflerini finanse etmek, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri desteklemek ve kamusal yat\u0131r\u0131mlara kaynak aktarmak i\u00e7in hizaya sokulmu\u015f ayg\u0131tlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam\u2019da sermayedarlar vard\u0131r ama siyasal iktidardan yoksun olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in egemen bir \u2018burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u2019 yoktur. Vietnam\u2019da serbest piyasa mekanizmalar\u0131 vard\u0131r ama piyasan\u0131n toplum \u00fczerinde kurdu\u011fu bir tahakk\u00fcm, yani kapitalizm yoktur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc siyasi ve ekonomik kararlar\u0131n al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 o komuta tepelerinde, k\u00fcresel holdinglerin y\u00f6netim kurullar\u0131 de\u011fil Kom\u00fcnist Parti kadrolar\u0131 oturmaktad\u0131r. Kapitalizmin merkezlerinde bankalar\u0131 doland\u0131ran milyarderler devlet b\u00fct\u00e7eleriyle kurtar\u0131l\u0131rken; Vietnam\u2019da \u00fclkenin en zengin sermayedarlar\u0131ndan birinin (Truong My Lan) devleti soymaya kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in 2024 y\u0131l\u0131nda yarg\u0131lan\u0131p idam cezas\u0131na \u00e7arpt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, o tasman\u0131n ucunun kimin elinde oldu\u011funun en somut kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eeytanla Masaya Oturman\u0131n Bedeli Yok Mu?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elbette t\u00fcm bu stratejik kazan\u0131mlar, Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin dikensiz bir g\u00fcl bah\u00e7esinde y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Marksist diyalektik, ger\u00e7e\u011fin o \u00e7eli\u015fkili ve bedel \u00f6deten do\u011fas\u0131na bakmay\u0131 emreder. Lenin\u2019in vaktiyle uyard\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, kapitalizme alan a\u00e7mak kelimenin tam anlam\u0131yla \u2018ate\u015fle oynamakt\u0131r\u2019 ve Vietnam bu ate\u015fin yak\u0131c\u0131 s\u0131cakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ensesinde hissediyor. Sermayedar Truong My Lan davas\u0131, devletin sermaye \u00fczerindeki otoritesini kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar, kapitalizmin o \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fc zehrinin parti b\u00fcrokrasisine s\u0131zma potansiyelini de if\u015fa etmi\u015ftir. Ku\u015fkusuz ki, Vietnam\u2019da sosyalizm hen\u00fcz var\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, steril ve huzurlu bir menzilde de\u011fil. \u015eeytanla ayn\u0131 masaya oturulmu\u015f ve \u00e7orba i\u00e7ilmektedir. Ancak Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin hayatta atakta kalmas\u0131, o masada ka\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daima \u015feytandan uzun tutmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Aksi takdirde bu pragmatik hamle, devleti i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e kemirecek yeni bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal teslimiyete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme riskini de her an bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Teknoloji Tekelleri Neden Vietnam\u2019a Boyun E\u011fiyor?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u00e7eride siyasi ve ekonomik komuta tepelerini s\u0131ms\u0131k\u0131 tutan bu devrimci irade, o devasa emperyalist ku\u015fatmay\u0131 nas\u0131l yar\u0131yor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kom\u00fcnistlerin idaresindeki bir \u00fclkenin ayakta kalabilmesi i\u00e7in k\u00fcresel pazar\u0131n ve kapitalist tekellerin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden faydalanmas\u0131, Leninist d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n temel kural\u0131d\u0131r. Kom\u00fcnist Partisi , bu kural\u0131 bug\u00fcn \u201cBambu Diplomasisi\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi bir stratejiyle icra ediyor: K\u00f6kleri ideolojik zeminine s\u0131ms\u0131k\u0131 tutunan, ancak g\u00f6vdesi jeopolitik f\u0131rt\u0131nalara g\u00f6re k\u0131r\u0131lmadan esneyebilen pragmatik ve dengelemeci bir d\u0131\u015f politika.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meseleye k\u00fcresel sermayenin nesnel rasyonalitesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda; Apple, Intel, Nvidia, Foxconn ve Samsung gibi devasa teknoloji tekellerinin k\u0131z\u0131l bayra\u011f\u0131n dalgaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu topraklara ak\u0131n etmesinin sebebi, Vietnam\u2019\u0131n onlara bah\u015fetti\u011fi dikensiz bir g\u00fcl bah\u00e7esi de\u011fil, bizzat kapitalizmin kendi yap\u0131sal krizleridir. K\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nlenemez d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f e\u011filimi ve g\u00fcvenilir yeni tedarik zincirleri aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, geli\u015fmi\u015f merkezlerin bu dev \u015firketlerini Vietnam\u2019\u0131n 100 milyona yakla\u015fan dinamik, e\u011fitimli ve y\u00fcksek disiplinli toplumuna boyun e\u011fmek zorunda b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak Vietnam, bu nesnel sermaye ak\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 pasif bir \u015fekilde kabullenip Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ta\u015feron bir montaj \u00fclkesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fcyor. Aksine, \u00fclkeye giren yabanc\u0131 sermayeye \u015fartlar ko\u015farak, k\u00fcresel de\u011fer zincirlerine tam merkezinden devasa bir \u2018k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 kanca\u2019 at\u0131yor. Sermayeyi sadece istihdam yaratmaya de\u011fil; \u00fcniversitelerle Ar-Ge merkezleri kurmaya, teknoloji ve bilgi transferine zorluyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n fason \u00fcreticili\u011finden edinilen m\u00fchendislik birikimiyle; Bat\u0131l\u0131 teknoloji devlerine mahk\u00fbm olmadan kendi 5G altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131f\u0131rdan \u00fcreten ve bizzat orduya ba\u011fl\u0131 olan telekom\u00fcnikasyon devi Viettel ya da k\u00fcresel otomotiv akl\u0131n\u0131 kendi sanayisi i\u00e7in kullan\u0131p bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyaya elektrikli ara\u00e7 ihra\u00e7 eden VinFast, y\u0131llarca Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ucuz yaz\u0131l\u0131m ta\u015feronlu\u011funu yapt\u0131ktan sonra bug\u00fcn o tecr\u00fcbeyle kendi yapay zek\u00e2 ve nesnelerin interneti \u00e7iplerini tasarlayan FPT Semiconductor gibi ulusal markalar bu stratejinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. K\u0131sacas\u0131 Vietnam, emperyalist merkezlerin y\u00fcksek teknoloji tekelini k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in, bizzat o emperyalistlerin sermayesini ve bilgi birikimini bir ko\u00e7ba\u015f\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vietnam\u2019da halk \u0130\u00e7inde ortakla\u015fa refah b\u00fcy\u00fcyor<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kapitalist \u00fclkelerde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi zenginlik bir avu\u00e7 tekelin kasas\u0131na akarken; Vietnam\u2019da devletin zapturapt alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 sermayeden elde edilen devasa gelirler, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya halk\u0131n \u2018sosyal \u00fccretine\u2019 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcvenli sokaklar, eri\u015filebilir ve nitelikli bir sa\u011fl\u0131k sistemi, bar\u0131nma olanaklar\u0131 ve insanlar\u0131n birbirini ac\u0131mas\u0131z birer rakip olarak g\u00f6rmedi\u011fi o dayan\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 toplumsal doku\u2026 B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, kendili\u011finden var olan romantik bir Asya mistisizmi de\u011fil; uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin k\u00e2r h\u0131rs\u0131ndan kopar\u0131l\u0131p al\u0131nan zenginli\u011fin, devlet eliyle toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n somut bir sonucudur. Bat\u0131l\u0131lar\u0131n Vietnam sokaklar\u0131nda gece yar\u0131lar\u0131 bile huzurla y\u00fcr\u00fcmesi tesad\u00fcfi bir iyimserli\u011fin de\u011fil, somut rakamlar\u0131n eseridir. Nitekim Vietnam\u2019\u0131n bug\u00fcn, ABD merkezli ara\u015ft\u0131rma \u015firketi Gallup\u2019un \u2018K\u00fcresel Hukuk ve D\u00fczen Endeksi\u2019nde 93 gibi rekor bir puanla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en g\u00fcvenli \u00fclkelerinden biri olarak tescillenmesi veya K\u00fcresel Bar\u0131\u015f Endeksi\u2019nde Asya\u2019n\u0131n zirvelerine t\u0131rmanmas\u0131, bu altyap\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan bir sonucudur.\u00a0 \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcr d\u00fcnya\u201dn\u0131n merkezleri derin bir g\u00fcvensizlik i\u00e7inde y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kaybederken, Vietnam\u2019\u0131n sundu\u011fu toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f ve huzur iklimi; Ho Chi Minh yolda\u015f\u0131n miras\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fatan kurucu iradenin eseridir!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bir Vietnam Gezisinin Ard\u0131ndan Bu de\u011ferli yaz\u0131 Teori ve Politika Dergisi\u2019nden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r… Yazan  Birol Din\u00e7el 14 Haziran 2026 \u015e\u00fck\u00fcr ki ve nihayet, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck anti-emperyalist destan\u0131n\u0131n yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Vietnam topraklar\u0131nday\u0131m. Vietnam\u2019\u0131n bu y\u0131l 25 milyon yabanc\u0131 turisti a\u011f\u0131rlamas\u0131 bekleniyormu\u015f. Bu yabanc\u0131 turist a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde en dikkat \u00e7ekici pay\u0131 Bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00fclkelerin turistleri olu\u015fturuyor. Vietnam Turizm Ofisi\u2019nin […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6546","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-sosyalist-ulkeler"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6546","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6546"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6546\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6548,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6546\/revisions\/6548"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6546"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6546"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6546"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}