Ayr\u0131m Web Dergisinde, son g\u00fcnlerde sosyalist partinin ve sosyalist ak\u0131m\u0131n \u201cCumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d ile ili\u015fkisini tart\u0131\u015fan iki metin yay\u0131mland\u0131: Ayr\u0131m, 08.06.2026 Cumhuriyeti Kim T\u00fcketti? Sa\u011fc\u0131 Reaksiyonun Tarihsel ve G\u00fcncel G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleri<\/a> ve 31.08.2026 Yeni Rejim \u00dclkesinde Sosyalizm ve S\u0131n\u0131f Siyaseti<\/a>\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n S\u00f6z\u00fc edilen bu metinler \u201ctarihsel cumhuriyet\u00e7ilik\u201d veya \u201ccumhuriyet\u201d gibi s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc, adeta ulusun t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kucaklayan bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-siyasal kategori kurmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marksizm i\u00e7in toplumsal formasyonlar\u0131n analizinde temel eksen s\u0131n\u0131flar ve s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131k ve m\u00fccadelelerdir. Yazarlar taraf\u0131ndan kurgulanan bu k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-siyasal kategori; burjuvazinin farkl\u0131 siyasi ve ekonomik fraksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olan \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devlet kapitalizmi \u00fczerindeki b\u00fcrokratik burjuvaziyi; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziyi ve onun farkl\u0131 kesimlerini; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i kitleleri; devlet b\u00fcrokrasisini ve t\u00fcm ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 potada eritiyor. Oysa \u201ccumhuriyet\u00e7ilik\u201d T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de tarihsel olarak burjuva devriminin\/Kemalist modernle\u015fmenin ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi olarak do\u011fmu\u015f; laiklik, ulus\u00e7uluk, halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, devlet\u00e7ilik gibi s\u00f6z konusu ilkeler, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 i\u00e7eriklerle yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Cenk Sara\u00e7o\u011flu\u2019nun yaz\u0131s\u0131, \u201csolun cumhuriyet\u00e7i ilkeleri toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131rma, radikalle\u015ftirme, halka mal etme\u201d \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fmeyen tarihsel bir sabitmi\u015f gibi sunuyor. Oysa \u201csol\u201d veya \u201csosyalist\u201d kesim g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 1960\u2019lardan bug\u00fcne laiklik dahil \u201ccumhuriyet\u00e7i ufku\u201d sahiplenmesi farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde farkl\u0131 tutumlar sergilemi\u015ftir. Solun \u201ccumhuriyetle bar\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u201d asl\u0131nda olduk\u00e7a ge\u00e7 bir olgudur, bu \u201cbar\u0131\u015fma\u201d hali d\u00f6nemsel, par\u00e7al\u0131 ve \u00e7o\u011fu zaman da tali olmu\u015ftur. Sara\u00e7o\u011flu, T\u00fcrkiye solunun cumhuriyet\u00e7i ilkelerle olan ili\u015fkisini oldu\u011fundan daha s\u00fcrekli, daha organik ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc g\u00f6steriyor. Oysa 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ortas\u0131na kadar solun b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in cumhuriyetin kurucu ilkeleri \u201cd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclecek birikim\u201d bile de\u011fil, \u201ca\u015f\u0131lacak bir burjuva yan\u0131lsama\u201dyd\u0131. Bu ilkeleri yar\u0131m a\u011f\u0131zla da olsa savunanlar, ordu ve yerle\u015fik siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7lerdi \u2013 ki bunlar da solun hedefiydi. \u00d6rne\u011fin, \u0130slamc\u0131 partinin y\u00fckseli\u015fini ve yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasi istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 hedef alan 28 \u015eubat 1997 darbesi ve hemen ard\u0131ndan h\u00fck\u00fcmetin devrilmesi, merkez sa\u011f ve merkez sol g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelci sermaye taraf\u0131ndan desteklenmi\u015f, fakat sosyalist sol taraf\u0131ndan (bir parti hari\u00e7) destek g\u00f6rmemi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yukar\u0131daki ikinci metinde, C. Soyer bu s\u0131n\u0131fsal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u201ci\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal a\u00e7mazlar ne olursa olsun\u201d diyerek adeta yok saymakta, bunlar\u0131n ikincil oldu\u011funu ima etmektedir. Oysa Marksist a\u00e7\u0131dan bakarsak bu \u201c\u00e7eli\u015fkiler\u201d ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fsal k\u0131s\u0131tlar\u201d belirleyicidir: Cumhuriyetin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 denilen \u015feylerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131, bizzat metnin de belirtti\u011fi gibi, emek\u00e7ilerin kavgas\u0131yla kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; yani burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ili\u011fin i\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve m\u00fccadelesi vard\u0131r. Bu kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 \u201ctarihsel cumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d ve onun kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 gibi geni\u015f ve s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc bir \u015femsiyenin alt\u0131na sokmak, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc silikle\u015ftirir. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n laiklik yorumu ve dine kar\u015f\u0131 tutumu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tart\u0131\u015fal\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cTarihsel Cumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d ad\u0131 verilen \u015femsiye, s\u0131n\u0131fsal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 gizleyen, herkesi ayn\u0131 \u201culus\u201d ya da \u201chalk\u201d kategorisi i\u00e7inde eriten bir ideolojik kurgudur. Laiklik ve dine kar\u015f\u0131 tutum, bu ideolojik kurgunun en g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oldu\u011fu alanlardan biridir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu konular, s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n \u00fczerini \u00f6rten k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ideolojik bir birlik g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fc yarat\u0131r. A\u00e7arsam, burada kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u201cideolojik kurgu\u201d ifadesi, bu \u015femsiyenin do\u011fal, tarihsel zorunluluk ya da bir toplumsal uzla\u015fma \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; aksine belirli bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u2014 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta b\u00fcrokrat burjuvazinin \u2014 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 toplumun geneline mal eden bir ideolojik in\u015fa oldu\u011funu vurgular. Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan itibaren laiklik, burjuva devriminin ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi olarak i\u015flemi\u015ftir. Burjuva Cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, dinin toplumsal hayattaki d\u00fczenleyici rol\u00fcn\u00fc devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131r ve onu ulusal pazar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesine hizmet edecek bi\u00e7imde yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te din, ne b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle d\u0131\u015flan\u0131r ne de \u00f6zg\u00fcr b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131r; devletin ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n en somut kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. Laik\u00e7i burjuvazi, bir yandan dini \u201cgericilik\u201d olarak damgalarken, \u00f6te yandan devlet eliyle S\u00fcnni \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 ulusal kimli\u011fin \u00e7imentosu olarak kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ideolojik kurgu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi s\u0131n\u0131fsal deneyiminden do\u011fan alternatif laiklik anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 bast\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201cCumhuriyet\u00e7i gelene\u011finin\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, toplumu s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 a\u015fan bir b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck olarak tasavvur eder. Bu tasavvurda i\u015f\u00e7i, patron, k\u00f6yl\u00fc, b\u00fcrokrat, esnaf, ayd\u0131n, sanayici hep ayn\u0131 \u201ccumhuriyet de\u011ferleri\u201d etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fmi\u015f varsay\u0131l\u0131r. Laiklik de bu varsay\u0131m\u0131n merkezinde yer al\u0131r: Sanki laiklik, herkesin e\u015fit \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olan, herkesin ortakla\u015fa savunmas\u0131 gereken tarafs\u0131z bir ilkedir. Oysa Marksist a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, laiklik gibi ideolojik bi\u00e7imler, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 evrenselle\u015ftiren ara\u00e7lard\u0131r. Burjuva cumhuriyetinin laikli\u011fi, ulus-devletin in\u015fas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine uygun, \u201cak\u0131lc\u0131\u201d, \u201cbireysel davranan\u201d (ben inanc\u0131m\u0131 kendi bildi\u011fim gibi ya\u015far\u0131m yan\u0131lsamas\u0131), \u201cpiyasa ile uyumlu\u201d bir \u00f6znenin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131na hizmet etmi\u015ftir. Bu \u00f6zne, bir yandan dinsel cemaat ba\u011flar\u0131ndan kopar\u0131larak ulusal pazara eklemlenmi\u015f, di\u011fer yandan devletin ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla disipline edilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi deneyiminden do\u011fan farkl\u0131 laiklik anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, farkl\u0131 din yorumlar\u0131 ve farkl\u0131 kamusall\u0131k talepleri, \u201ccumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131nda ya yok say\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ya da marjinalize edilmi\u015ftir. Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n laiklik yorumu ile burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ili\u011fin laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 aras\u0131nda belirgin farklar vard\u0131r. Bu farklar, yaln\u0131zca \u201cdine kar\u015f\u0131 daha ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc\u201d ya da \u201cdaha kat\u0131\u201d olmak gibi y\u00fczeysel tercihler de\u011fil; do\u011frudan s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlardan, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerindeki konumdan ve devletle kurulan ili\u015fkiden kaynaklan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130kincisi, laiklik ve din tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyasetin merkezine oturdu\u011funda, s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin \u00fczerini \u00f6rten bir i\u015flev \u00fcstlenir. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki rekabet \u2014 \u00f6rne\u011fin, laik\u00e7i burjuvazi ile \u0130slamc\u0131 burjuvazi aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u2014 kitlelere \u201cya\u015fam tarz\u0131\u201d sava\u015f\u0131 olarak sunulur. Bu sava\u015fta i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n her iki burjuva fraksiyon taraf\u0131ndan da s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ger\u00e7e\u011fi geri plana itilir. Bu noktada \u201ccumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d \u015femsiyesi, laik\u00e7i burjuvazinin ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcreten bir i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Laiklik, sanki emek\u00e7ilerin de asli \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ym\u0131\u015f gibi sunulur. Sonu\u00e7ta, laiklik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen siyasal m\u00fccadele, emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisini k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcne indirger. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u2014 \u00fccretler, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131, sendikal haklar, bar\u0131nma, sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim \u2014 \u201cya\u015fam tarz\u0131\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6lgesinde kal\u0131r. Bu da burjuvazinin her iki fraksiyonunun da i\u015fine gelir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc esas s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkisi tart\u0131\u015fma d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Burjuva Cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n ve kurulmak istenen piyasa d\u00fczeninin ideolojik bi\u00e7imidir<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Cumhuriyet\u2019in kurulu\u015fundan itibaren laiklik, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde devletin dini denetim alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, dinsel alan\u0131 ulus-devlet in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n ve kapitalist modernle\u015fmenin gereklerine tabi k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fczenleme olarak bi\u00e7imlenmi\u015ftir. Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131, dinsel e\u011fitimin devlet tekeline al\u0131nmas\u0131, tarikat ve cemaatlerin kamusal alandan d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131 gibi politikalar, burjuvazinin ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 peki\u015ftirmeye katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015ftur. Bu laiklik bi\u00e7imi, ayn\u0131 zamanda d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 b\u00fcrokratik-burjuva m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerinin yeniden \u00fcretilmesi i\u00e7in gerekli olan \u201crasyonel\u201d, \u201cbilimsel\u201d, \u201cilerlemeci\u201d bireyin in\u015fas\u0131na hizmet etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, din ile devlet aras\u0131nda bi\u00e7imsel bir ayr\u0131m \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr; ancak bu ayr\u0131m, emek\u00e7ilerin inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in de\u011fil, devletin dinsel alan\u0131 kendi ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla y\u00f6netmesi i\u00e7in tasarlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, bir yandan din\u00ee cemaatlerin siyasal g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, \u00f6te yandan dini, ulusal kimli\u011fin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak yeniden \u00fcretmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1980\u2019lerde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u201cT\u00fcrk-\u0130slam\u201d sentezi, bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin en somut \u00f6rne\u011fidir: Devlet, bir yandan laikli\u011fi anayasal ilke olarak korumu\u015ftur, \u00f6te yandan S\u00fcnni \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 mill\u00ee kimli\u011fin ayr\u0131lmaz par\u00e7as\u0131 saym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum, Alevi emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in laiklik talebini yaln\u0131zca devletin dinsel bask\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda S\u00fcnni egemenli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 bir e\u015fitlik m\u00fccadelesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n laiklik yorumu: E\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fli\u011fi temelinde bir arada ya\u015fama<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in laiklik, burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemdeki \u201churafelere mesafe\u201d ya da \u201cbilimsellik\u201d gibi soyut ilkelerden \u00e7ok, maddi ve toplumsal bir zorunluluk olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan laikli\u011fin anlam\u0131, \u015fu somut taleplerle ifade edilebilir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n laiklik yorumu, burjuva Cumhuriyet\u00e7i laikli\u011fin devlet-merkezci ve denetimci karakterinden farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Burjuva laiklik, dini devletin y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131na al\u0131r; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ise, dinin ve inanc\u0131n devletten ve sermayeden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir toplumsal alan olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini savunur. Ve iktidara geldi\u011finde bu t\u00fcr bir d\u00fczenlemeyi hayata ge\u00e7irir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu yorum, inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir hak olarak de\u011fil, kolektif bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve e\u015fitlik meselesi olarak ele almak demektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ayr\u0131ca, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 homojen bir b\u00fct\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Dindar i\u015f\u00e7iler, laik i\u015f\u00e7iler, Alevi emek\u00e7iler, K\u00fcrt emek\u00e7iler, g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7iler ayn\u0131 gerici \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde farkl\u0131 inan\u00e7 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel arka planlara sahiptir. Bu \u00e7e\u015fitlilik, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin en dinamik ama ayn\u0131 zamanda en k\u0131r\u0131lgan yan\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ya g\u00f6rmezden gelir ya da \u201culusal birlik\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda bast\u0131r\u0131r. Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 tan\u0131yan ve onlar\u0131 ortak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda birle\u015ftiren bir e\u015fitlik zeminine dayanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve din: Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cafyon\u201d metaforunun do\u011fru anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cdin halk\u0131n afyonudur\u201d ifadesi, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman mekanik bir din kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131na indirgenir. Oysa Marx, dinin yaln\u0131zca bir yan\u0131lsama de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201ckalpsiz bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kalbi\u201d oldu\u011funu da s\u00f6yler. Din, ezilenlerin ac\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir teselli, bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 bir s\u0131\u011f\u0131nak ve bazen de direni\u015fin ideolojik bi\u00e7imi olabilir. Bu nedenle Marksistlerin dine kar\u015f\u0131 tutumu, burjuva laikli\u011fin \u201churafelere mesafe\u201d s\u00f6ylemiyle kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fcrokratik burjuva Cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, dini \u00e7o\u011fu zaman a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lay\u0131c\u0131 bir dille ele al\u0131r; halk inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cgericilik\u201d, \u201cyobazl\u0131k\u201d olarak damgalar. Bu tutum, emek\u00e7ilerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel pratiklerine yukar\u0131dan bakan, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeyi i\u00e7erir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n dine kar\u015f\u0131 tutumu, dini insanlar\u0131n maddi ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131yla birlikte anlamay\u0131 gerektirir. Dindar bir i\u015f\u00e7i i\u00e7in din, yaln\u0131zca bir inan\u00e7 sistemi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda yoksullu\u011fa, g\u00fcvencesizli\u011fe ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 bir dayan\u0131\u015fma a\u011f\u0131 ve anlam kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu nedenle sosyalistler, dinin bu toplumsal i\u015flevini g\u00f6rmeli ve dindar emek\u00e7ileri k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeden, onlarla ortak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 temelinde ili\u015fki kurmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bununla birlikte, Marksistler, dinsel ideolojinin egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar taraf\u0131ndan emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na da kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar. \u00d6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 2000\u2019ler sonras\u0131nda siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 burjuvazi ve onun siyasi temsilcileri, dini s\u00f6ylemi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketi ve sendikal hareket kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 politikalarla birle\u015ftirmi\u015f; \u201ckader\u201d, \u201csab\u0131r\u201d, \u201cbereket\u201d gibi kavramlar\u0131 g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretleri ve i\u015f cinayetlerini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu, dinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir ara\u00e7 h\u00e2line getirilmesidir ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini b\u00f6lmeye y\u00f6neliktir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tarihsel deneyimler: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi ve laiklik<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 1960\u2019larda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin y\u00fckseli\u015fi, laiklik talebini s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir i\u00e7erikle yeniden yorumlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (T\u0130P) ve D\u0130SK \u00e7evresinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7in laiklik, yaln\u0131zca devletin din i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmamas\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda emek\u00e7ilerin inan\u00e7 farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na ra\u011fmen ortak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda birle\u015febilmesi anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Bu d\u00f6nemde sosyalist hareket, dindar emek\u00e7ileri de kapsayan bir halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirmi\u015f, laikli\u011fi burjuva bir \u201cmodernle\u015fme\u201d projesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u00e7erikli bir e\u015fitlik talebine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Alevi emek\u00e7ilerin deneyimi bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6\u011freticidir. Aleviler i\u00e7in laiklik, yaln\u0131zca devletin S\u00fcnni \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 dayatmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir talep de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel asimilasyona kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imi olmu\u015ftur. Alevi i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler, laiklik talebini, kendi inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinin tan\u0131nmas\u0131 ve toplumsal e\u015fitlik m\u00fccadelesiyle birle\u015ftirmi\u015flerdir. Bu, burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laikli\u011fin \u201culusal birlik\u201d s\u00f6yleminin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7en, s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck talebidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6te yandan, dindar i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131, \u00f6zellikle 1990\u2019lardan itibaren siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 burjuvazinin ideolojik etkisi alt\u0131nda, laikli\u011fi kendi s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir tehdit olarak alg\u0131lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu, burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laikli\u011fin tarihsel olarak emek\u00e7ilerin inan\u00e7lar\u0131na yukar\u0131dan m\u00fcdahale etmesinin ve dinsel alan\u0131 devlet denetimine almas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucudur. Burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, dindar i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilere e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sunamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, onlar\u0131 siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 burjuvazinin kuca\u011f\u0131na itmi\u015ftir. Bu durum, laikli\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u00e7erikten yoksun bir bi\u00e7imde savunulmas\u0131n\u0131n iflas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Laikli\u011fin \u0130lerici Yan\u0131na \u0130kili Diyalektik ile Bakmak<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Tarihsel materyalizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, burjuva devrimleri, feodal \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini ve onun ideolojik-kurumsal bi\u00e7imlerini tasfiye ederken laiklik ilkesini ilerici bir ara\u00e7 olarak kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan Cumhuriyet\u2019e ge\u00e7i\u015fte: halifeli\u011fin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, medreselerin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131, \u015eeriat hukukunun yerine laik hukukun getirilmesi, Tarikat ve tekkelerin yasaklanmas\u0131, feodal dinsel yap\u0131lar\u0131n siyasal ve ideolojik egemenli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 burjuva devriminin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131d\u0131r. Eski siyasal sistemde din, yaln\u0131zca bir inan\u00e7 sistemi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda feodal toprak m\u00fclkiyetini, hanedan egemenli\u011fini ve cemaat temelli toplumsal hiyerar\u015fiyi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran bir \u00fcstyap\u0131 kurumu olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Bu anlamda cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin geli\u015fmesi i\u00e7in zorunlu olan ulusal pazar\u0131n, bireysel vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve rasyonel devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131na hizmet etmek istiyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marksist a\u00e7\u0131dan bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan as\u0131l sorun, cumhuriyet\u00e7i laikli\u011fin yaln\u0131zca feodalizme veya onun \u00fcstyap\u0131 kurumuna kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele arac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, feodalizme darbeler vururken, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fclke i\u00e7inde yeni bir s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011finin \u2014 b\u00fcrokratik kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin \u2014 ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7evesini kurar. Bu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki laikli\u011fin ikili karakteridir: bir yandan feodal dinsel tahakk\u00fcme kar\u015f\u0131 ilerici bir kopu\u015fu i\u00e7erir. \u00d6te yandan burjuva devletin ideolojik ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak, emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisini gizleyen, s\u0131n\u0131fsal e\u015fitsizlikleri me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran yeni bir d\u00fczenlemedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bu ikili karakter \u00e7ok net g\u00f6zlemlenebilir. Cumhuriyet\u2019in laikli\u011fi, dini yaln\u0131zca siyasal alandan d\u0131\u015flamakla kalmam\u0131\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla dinsel alan\u0131 devletin denetimine alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu, dinin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi de\u011fil, burjuva devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 i\u00e7inde yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesidir. Laiklik ilkesi alt\u0131nda S\u00fcnni \u0130slam, ulusal kimli\u011fin \u00e7imentosu olarak yeniden \u00fcretilmi\u015f; Alevilik gibi inan\u00e7 bi\u00e7imleri resm\u00ee olarak tan\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f, hatta zaman zaman bask\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu durum, laikli\u011fin yaln\u0131zca feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda emek\u00e7ilerin inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve e\u015fitlik taleplerine kar\u015f\u0131 da kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlar. Burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, bir yandan \u201churafelere mesafe\u201d s\u00f6ylemiyle halk\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131larken, \u00f6te yandan devlet taraf\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilmi\u015f bir dinsel yorumu (S\u00fcnni \u0130slam\u2019\u0131) topluma dayat\u0131r ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc dini pratiklerin \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin devletin yorumlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekilde yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 emreder. Bu, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir tahakk\u00fcm bi\u00e7imidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Cumhuriyet\u00e7i gelene\u011fin bir iddias\u0131 da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u201cdin ve d\u00fcnya i\u015flerinin birbirinden ayr\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d savunmas\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece s\u00f6ylemde var olan bu ayr\u0131m, pratikte burjuva devletin dine m\u00fcdahalesini ortadan kald\u0131rmaz; tam tersine, dinsel alan\u0131 devletin ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde yeniden d\u00fczenler. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu ayr\u0131m\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlar. Devlet, bir yandan laiklik ilkesini anayasal g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131rken, \u00f6te yandan Diyanet arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla din hizmetlerini finanse eder, dinsel s\u00f6ylemi denetler ve S\u00fcnni \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 ulusal kimli\u011fin par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak yeniden \u00fcretir. Bu durum, \u201cdin ve d\u00fcnya i\u015flerinin ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n\u201d, dinsel alan\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi de\u011fil, devletin kendi ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 kurmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Cumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn en \u00f6nemli eksi\u011fi, laikli\u011fi yaln\u0131zca feodalizm-kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadeleye indirgemesi ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin devam etti\u011fini, i\u00e7eride emperyalizmin dayana\u011f\u0131 olan b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvaziye ve yar\u0131-feodal s\u0131n\u0131fa m\u00fccadele a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7oktan ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmesidir. Oysa Marksistler i\u00e7in laiklik, yaln\u0131zca burjuva devriminin bir kazan\u0131m\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda laiklik talebi daha sonraki a\u015famada i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n demokratik m\u00fccadelesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Cumhuriyet\u00e7i laiklik, feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 ilerici bir ad\u0131m olabilir; ancak bu, onun b\u00fcrokratik kapitalist ve yar\u0131-feodal s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran bir ideolojik bi\u00e7im oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kendi laiklik s\u00f6ylemini burjuva devletin bir dayatmas\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, kendi e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak yeniden kurmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu yeniden kurulu\u015fun temel ilkeleri \u015funlar olmal\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu ilkeler, burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laikli\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131fsal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015far ve laikli\u011fi, feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleden kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sosyalist-Kom\u00fcnist Parti kendi laiklik s\u00f6ylemini s\u0131n\u0131fsal temelde yeniden kurmal\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cCumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131nda laiklik s\u00f6ylemi veya ideolojisi, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bu ak\u0131m\u0131n burjuva devletin ideolojik bir ayg\u0131t\u0131 olmas\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini gizlemi\u015ftir. Bu anlat\u0131, laikli\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u00e7eri\u011fini bo\u015faltm\u0131\u015f; onu \u201c\u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma\u201d, \u201cmodernle\u015fme\u201d, \u201cayd\u0131nlanma\u201d gibi soyut kavramlara indirgemi\u015ftir. Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n laiklik yorumu, bu soyut s\u00f6ylemden temelden ve k\u00f6kten farkl\u0131d\u0131r: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in laiklik, inan\u00e7 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ve e\u015fitli\u011finin g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131, farkl\u0131 inan\u00e7 gruplar\u0131n\u0131n ortak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda birle\u015febildi\u011fi, devletin ve sermayenin dinsel ideolojiyi emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullanamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni bir toplumsal d\u00fczen talebidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sosyalistler, burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7i laikli\u011fi ele\u015ftirisiz sahiplenmek yerine, onu ele\u015ftirmeli ve onu a\u015fan bir laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 savunmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu siyasi tutum, laikli\u011fi yaln\u0131zca devlet-din ili\u015fkisinin d\u00fczenlenmesi olarak de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin bir arac\u0131 olarak ele almak demektir. Dindar emek\u00e7ileri k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeyen, Alevi emek\u00e7ilerin e\u015fitlik talebini tan\u0131yan, inan\u00e7 farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren bir zenginlik olarak g\u00f6ren bir laiklik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Son tahlilde, laiklik meselesi de s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ili\u011fin laiklik s\u00f6ylemi veya ideolojisi, bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi \u00f6rter; oysa i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve emek\u00e7ilerin laiklik talebi, e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin ayr\u0131lmaz bir boyutudur. Sosyalistlerin g\u00f6revi, bu laiklik talebini burjuva ideolojik bi\u00e7imlerden ar\u0131nd\u0131rarak, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir i\u00e7erikle yeniden kurmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Ayr\u0131m Web Dergisinde \u201cTarihsel Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Gelenek\u201d Kavram\u0131n\u0131n S\u0131n\u0131f Analizinden Kopar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Laikli\u011fin Ele\u015ftirisi Sosyalist Partinin Kendi Laiklik S\u00f6ylemini Kurma Gere\u011fi Yazan: Deniz K\u0131z\u0131l\u00e7e\u00e7 – E\u015fref \u015eahan, Eyl\u00fcl 2026 Ayr\u0131m Web Dergisinde, son g\u00fcnlerde sosyalist partinin ve sosyalist ak\u0131m\u0131n \u201cCumhuriyet\u00e7i gelenek\u201d ile ili\u015fkisini tart\u0131\u015fan iki metin yay\u0131mland\u0131: Ayr\u0131m, 08.06.2026 Cumhuriyeti Kim T\u00fcketti? Sa\u011fc\u0131 Reaksiyonun Tarihsel […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[53,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6736","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi-tr","category-turkiye-sosyalizmi"],"blocksy_meta":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6736","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6736"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6736\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6737,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6736\/revisions\/6737"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6736"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6736"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marksizm.org.tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6736"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}\n
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